Friday 31 October 2008

Unpleasant forecasting

Friday, 31 October, 2008 12:33 PM

A.E-P continues to warn of a mounting monetary crisis in Europe.  The 
day of doom is continually postponed but only to make doomsday more 
profound when it comes!

The second article has Norman Lamont spelling out what will happen 
with Brown’s reckless ‘borrow and spend’ plan.   It’s not pleasant 
reading

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TELEGRAPH Business News   31.10.08
1. TRADERS WARN OF ITALIAN ICEBERG
Italian bond weakest since lira as Europe crisis deepens
Investor flight from Italian bonds have pushed the yields on the 
country's debt to the highest level since the days of lira, raising 
concerns over Rome's ability to finance its budget deficit as a 
repayment falls due next year.


    By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

The interest spread between Italian 10-year bonds and German Bunds 
has reached 108 basis points, the highest since the launch of the 
euro. Traders say it is nearing levels that risk setting off a an 
unstable chain reaction.

In effect, Italy now has to pay 1.08pc more than Germany to entice 
pension funds and other investors to buy its state debt. It is 
unclear whether this is a temporary spike cause by a lack of 
liquidity in the bond markets, or whether it reflects concerns over 
the state of Italian finances.

Italy's public debt is the third largest in the world after the US 
and Japan. At 107pc of GDP, it is the highest of any major economy in 
the eurozone and almost double the 60pc limit stipulated by the EU's 
Maastricht treaty.

Morgan Stanley calculates that Rome needs to roll over €198bn next 
year as a clutch of maturities comes due. This compares with €173bn 
for Germany, €135bn for France, and €57bn for Spain. Four EU states 
have had to cancel bond auctions this month due to a buyers' strike.

"The outflows from Italian bonds have been relentless over the last 
year," said Simon Derrick, currency chief at the Bank of New York 
Mellon. "It has reversed all the inflows since 2003 and the intensity 
does reflect significant concerns about the level of public debt."

Risk consultants Stratfor warned week that Unicredit has exposure of 
$130bn in central Europe and the Balkans, while Intesa has lent $50bn 
to the region.

Silvio Berlusconi, Italy's premier, insists that Italian banks are in 
fine health and have largely avoided investments in US toxic assets, 
but Italy's financial stability committee has held three sessions 
over the last two weeks to discuss banking tensions.

Italy's financial daily Il Sole reported that the central bank is 
mulling moves to inject capital into the banks. It described a "sharp 
exchange" between Mario Draghi, the bank's governor, and finance 
minister Giulio Tremonti, who denies that there is a problem. The 
Italian cabinet is meeting tomorrow to discuss details of a state-
rescue package.

On the currency markets, the euro plummeted by six cents against the 
dollar today after the EU's eurozone confidence index crashed to a 15-
year low.

"The message to the European Central Bank is that it must cut, cut, 
and cut again," said Julian Callow, Europe economist at Barclays 
Capital.
"The ECB clearly made an error by raising rates to 4.25pc in July, 
but the banking crisis over recent weeks has brought it home to them 
how serious this is. We expect them to cut by half a point next 
Thursday, and go down to 2.25pc by next summer," he said.

In Eastern Europe, the brief respite following Hungary's $25bn rescue 
package from the IMF was already giving way to fresh angst. Romania 
was forced to deny persistent rumours that it was seeking an 
emergency loan from the fund.

The country's prime minister, Calin Popescu Tariceanu, may have 
inadvertently fuelled fears when he told local TV that the global 
economy was sinking like the Titanic. "On the lower levels, people 
are in water up to their necks, while on the upper floors the music 
still plays on, just as it did in the film. And those people 
listening to the music, not knowing that the Titanic has hit an 
iceberg, that's us here in Romania. That's just what we're like," he 
said.

Meanwhile, Poland's central bank was in talks with the Swiss 
authorities and the ECB for a Swiss franc swap accord to relieve 
intense strains in the credit markets. Heavy use of foreign loans for 
mortgages and business debt has led to a sudden squeeze as the zloty 
crumbles, falling 21pc against the franc since August.

A report by JP Morgan said Poland was in worse shape than Hungary, 
citing concerns that the country's banks and companies will have to 
pay back $96bn in foreign currencies next year. Poland's foreign 
reserves are just $59bn.
Polish officials vehemently disputed the claims.

==============

AND

2. Labour will be out of power for a generation
Norman Lamont says Japan shows us that borrowing is not the answer

    By Norman Lamont


Lord Keynes, the great economist, is the prime example of an 
intellectual who has had a massive impact on practical affairs. Many 
people who have never read Keynes, and understand him even less, cite 
him, including Alistair Darling and Gordon Brown.

Keynes supported deficit financing as an answer to a depression in 
which the economy was no longer self-correcting and interest rates 
were ineffective. Recently, a number of commentators have advocated a 
“Keynesian” solution of vastly increased government spending to 
counter a possible recession.

There is an understandable fear that this slowdown is different from 
previous ones. It is. We have had the most serious banking crisis 
since the 1930s. But the key difference between now and the 1930s is 
that, this time, the banks, wisely and correctly, have not been 
allowed to fail. Liquidity has been lent to banks on a massive scale. 
Few people are forecasting that we will face 20 per cent unemployment 
as in the 1930s.

So do we really need a full-blown , public works “Keynesian” 
solution? It is an approach with great dangers.

Gordon Brown’s talk of borrowing £100 billion may be nothing more 
than an attempt to cover up the mess in the Government’s finances and 
to pretend that what is out of control was carefully planned.

However, it is reasonable to argue that, in a recession, borrowing 
should be allowed to rise to accommodate the costs of that recession, 
such as increased unemployment benefit or lower tax revenues. To 
offset these costs by cutting public spending would be to drive the 
economy further into recession.

When I was Chancellor in the early 1990s recession, we started with a 
stronger position in the public finances than today. Annual borrowing 
was lower and debt had been repaid. But in another sense, we were at 
a disadvantage. Because of the Exchange Rate Mechanism, we could not 
stimulate the economy through lower interest rates or a lower 
exchange rate. In that situation, a modest version of “Keynesianism” 
seemed reasonable and we allowed borrowing to expand to absorb the 
cost of the recession.

I learnt to my cost how swiftly public finances can crumble, and how 
what at first seemed like a cyclical deficit turned into a 
structural, permanent one.
By 1993, the deficit reached £50 billion and was clearly 
unsustainable. The day of reckoning duly came and spending had to be 
cut and taxes sharply increased, which was highly embarrassing for a 
tax-cutting government. Although the Budget of 1993 was the right 
budget, it was deeply unpopular and the chief beneficiary was Labour, 
which inherited a massively strong economy that took it a decade to 
destroy.

The lessons of all the postwar recessions are that deficits can 
balloon with alarming speed. No one should forget that increased 
borrowing has to be paid for. Far better than trying to spend one’s 
way out is to cut interest rates, and to take advantage of the lower 
exchange rate. That remains a far more effective way of stimulating 
the economy. Today, with imported inflation falling, there should be 
scope to cut rates. Of course, rates may not act as quickly to 
stimulate the economy when there is such a large overhang of debt. If 
there are liquidity problems in the banking system, that is an 
argument for the Bank of England to supply more temporary liquidity, 
not to embark on a public works programme.

The Government is proposing a high-risk approach. It took the country 
into a possible recession with the highest level of annual borrowing 
of any major country. Before the impact of the slowdown on public 
finances becomes clear, it has decided to swell the deficit further: 
irresponsibility to the point of recklessness.

Before the Government adopts full-blown Keynesian policies, it should 
examine their effect on Japan after the bursting of its “property 
bubble”. Between 1991 and 1998, Japan spent 100 trillion yen on new 
railway lines and other public works. Little good did it do. Its 
economy stagnated. Since 1991, Japan’s government debt as a 
proportion of GDP rose from 64 per cent of GDP in 1991 to 171 per 
cent this year. Japan is in a debt trap it can’t escape.

Gordon Brown’s policies would take Britain down the Japanese route — 
with one important difference. Japan runs large trade surpluses and 
can fund its borrowing from domestic savers. The British Government 
depends on international capital markets to finance its borrowing. 
Deficits and excessive borrowing may not have mattered when the world 
was awash with money.

That has changed. Confidence is all.

Today’s bust was inevitable. But recovery will follow. The economy 
adjusts. Prices fall, buyers come back into the market, confidence 
slowly returns. It is mistaken government action that turns 
recessions into depressions .

Adding higher government borrowing to private sector borrowing does 
not improve the performance of the economy. If consumption has grown 
too fast, increasing government spending is the equivalent of driving 
through a red light.

Gordon Brown is like a gambler on a losing streak, doubling up by 
spending. More huge tax increases lie ahead. Because he has already 
exhausted the scope for stealth taxes, his policies mean we could see 
VAT raised to 20 per cent or the basic rate of income tax heading 
back towards 30p. One thing we can be sure of: it will be horrible.

  But once the consequences of Gordon Brown’s fiscal management are 
plain, it will take a generation before the voters trust Labour again.