Sunday, 9 November 2008


Why McCain lost

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In late September I predicted that John McCain would win by a landslide.
I based that judgement on the fact that since February  Obama had been
steadily losing ground in both the polls and the primary elections to
the extent that by the end of September McCain had a two point lead.
That lead was more substantial  than it seemed because pollsters
historically have tended to substantially  underestimate the Republican
vote and  the Bradley Effect (a significant minority  of white voters
telling pollsters they would vote for  a black man and then voting for a
white candidate). Two days after  my prediction  it was undone by
"Events, dear boy, events" (copyright H Macmillan) when the American
economic roof fell in.

The economic troubles by their mere existence  undoubtedly hurt McCain
because he was associated with both the administration  who were in
charge  and is a committed free marketeer, but the man made matters
worse by his  embarrassing ignorance of economics  and, despite his
ignorance,   his blind belief in  laissez faire. .

  His initial reaction to the autumn  crisis  was to claim that the
fundamentals of the  American economy were sound, rapidly followed by an
embarrassing  thrashing around  when it became clear that disaster
stared the USA financial system in the face, culminating in the  mistake
of asking that the first presidential debate  be  delayed while he
helped decide how to clear up the economic mess., a risible nonsense in
view of his pitiful performance to that date on  the financial crisis.

The argument  advanced on his behalf that  he did not need to understand
economics  because others would understand it for him if he were
president,  was rightly seen as weak,  because a man who does not
understand something can easily have the wool pulled over his eyes.
McCain  as president would have been in  a similar position to all those
bank  CEOs  who did not understand the financial instruments their banks
were creating and using and blindly led there  institutions to disaster

The economic collapse  and McCain’s inept response to it  may have
frightened and angered people enough to swing the vote sufficiently  for
Obama  to win  a narrow victory (on the  popular vote), but it does not
tell the whole  or even the main part of the story by a long chalk. 
What the voting showed were  disturbing racial and ethnic divisions  which
were of far more consequence than the economic woe.  It  is the
existence of these divisions and the  large proportion of  the US
population which now falls into the category of  ethnic minorities
allied to the political correctness  with its  subset multiculturalism
which  I believe were the main drivers of  McCain’s defeat.


The Demographics

Obama drew his  support  disproportionately from ethnic minorities and
the young, viz:

White Americans voted  55% for McCain and 43% for Obama

Black Americans voted    4% for McCain and  95% for Obama
           Hispanics voted    31% for McCain and 66% for Obama
                Asians voted    35% for McCain and 62% for Obama
                   Jews voted    22% for McCain and 77% for Obama

First time voters  voted   30% for McCain and 69% for Obama

                      Men voted  48% for McCain and 49% for Obama
                Women  voted  43% fro McCain and 56% for Obama

Voters aged 18-29 voted  31% for McCain and 66% for Obama
Voters aged 30-44 voted  46% for McCain and 53% for Obama
Voters aged 45-59 voted  49% for McCain and  49% for Obama
    Voters aged 60+ voted  52% for McCain and  46% for Obama


The figures are taken from Daily Telegraph  article of 6 November 2008 -
"Power of the white voter is fading" -Gordon Rayner
 (The figures do not
add up to 100% because of votes for other candidates.)


The massive and ongoing non-white immigration to the USA since the
mid-sixties  and the  consequent expansion of old ethnic and racial
minorities and the creation of new minorities  who are
disproportionately willing  to vote, at least in part,  on the grounds
of race (and for  blacks it is reasonable to conclude that it was
entirely about race in the case of Obama)  and who show a strong
preference  for the Democrats regardless of candidate),   places any
white Republican candidate at a  considerable disadvantage before
campaigning begins.

The turn out was  approximately 20 million higher than in 2004. Millions
of those were newly registered  voters  who voted heavily for  Obama, In
view of the  large advantage Obama enjoyed amongst non-whites, it is
reasonable to assume that  they will have been disproportionately
non-white.


The preference of women may simply reflect the difference between  the
differencing sexual attractions of a middle-aged man and an old man.
However,  differences in age distribution  of  white and non-white
voters  - the non-white having more women of  a younger age than whites
-  could be a further factor  with young women giving more weight to
sexual attraction  than older women. There is also the possibility that
women are more susceptible to  the rock-star style persona  projected
onto  Obama than men - witness the  hysteria  which  girls and women
display at  pop events and the groupie culture which attaches to  the
rock world.

The tendency of younger voters to vote Obama  may be ascribable to two
things: (1)  the fact that the young are inexperienced,  and hence more
impressionable and susceptible to the excitement of public spectacle and
(2)  their lives  have been lived entirely  under the influence of
political correctness and its subset multiculturalism.   For many of the
young  it may seem natural to vote for a black man rather than a white
man because they have known nothing other than  a diet of  public
propaganda   telling them that black is good and white is bad.

Obama’s views on race  and associations with black racists

The kindest view of Obama’s racial opinions is that he is seriously
infected with the victimhood mentality.  The unkindest is that he  a
black racist with separatist leanings.  A comprehensive dissection  of
his  publicly stated views on race  and how they have conveniently
changed  over his political life   has been  made by Steve Sailor and
can be found at
http://www.vdare.com/half-blood_prince/half-blood_prince.pdf . I will
give a couple of samples from the book, one which deals with Obama’s
thoughts on race while the other  concerns the best known of his
associations with black racists.:

"Desperate times called for desperate measures…On p. 200 of Dreams,
Obama concedes the morality of the black nationalist case … in theory:
If [black] nationalism could create a strong and effective insularity,
deliver on its promise of  Self-respect, then the hurt it might cause
well1 meaning whites,
or the inner turmoil it caused people like me, would be of little
consequence. [p. 200]

"Fortunately for Obama and his career as a black leader, black
separatism turns out to be a non-starter,
economically and politically: If nationalism could deliver. As it turned
out, questions of effectiveness, and not sentiment, caused most of my
quarrels with Rafiq. [p. 200] Obama dispassionately rejects Black
Nationalism as impractical. "p158

And:

"…the Jeremiah Wright we all came to know in 2008 is a character
straight out of Dreams (in fact, much of pages 274 , 208;295 are devoted
to Wright‘s influence on Obama). Obama’s worldview in
Dreams, "where white folks’ greed runs a world in need" to quote
Wright‘s The Audacity to Hope sermon, is a less bumptious version of
Wright‘s "black internationalism." In contrast, while Obama borrowed
the title of Audacity from Wright, his minister’s black liberation
ideology was put
on the back shelf in his 2006 campaign tome. Has Wright‘s intellectual
influence on Obama lessened permanently or just temporarily? That’s a
rather important question about a Presidential candidate, but it
hasn’t been widely discussed. Why hasn’t there been more research
into the differences between the two books? Partly because the Obama
campaign doesn’t tolerate curiosity, punishing reporters who ask
intelligent questions, as Gabriel 106 Sherman’s article "End of the
Affair" in The New Republic noted. The  Obama staffers browbeat
reporters into covering up what they’ve  discovered about Obama and
race. Vanessa Grigoriadis illustrates this in  her fine New York essay
"Black & Blacker: The Racial Politics of the  Obama Marriage:" As I
began to finish the reporting for this article, I  mentioned to an Obama
aide that I was interested in the different ways that Obama presents
himself to black and white audiences. The aide hit  the roof over this
comment, which he claimed was racially divisive, and  soon I received a
call from Obama’s "African & American outreach  coordinator," who
apparently clarifies race issues for reporters when  they are perceived
to have strayed. "I appreciate what you’re saying,"  said Corey
Ealons, "but I think it’s dangerous, quite frankly." * pp106/7

Even if we did  not have the direct evidence  of Obama’s own words,
his association with the likes of  Jeremiah Wright and the  members of
the Nation of Islam  speak volumes.  Who could sit listening to the
views of the likes of Wright for  20 years  without being in sympathy?
Why would an  a self declared inclusive politician want to belong to a
black church rather than an integrated one? Imagine a white politician
who attended  for twenty years an all white church with a pastor saying
equivalent things about blacks. He would have be condemned automatically
as a racist.

One might also ask why someone who  has a white mother, was brought up
by whites  and attended schools which were overwhelmingly  white,  would
wish to immerse himself  so deeply in black society  unless he is either
an out and out racist or  someone who has developed a sense of black
victimhood through his experience of white society.

Political Correctness  and Multiculturalism

To judge the part political correctness played in the election it is
necessary to understand exactly what it is. It meets the criteria for a
totalitarian ideology .  Its adherents  insist that  the politically
correct view is the only permissible view  and , because of the
anti-discrimination  fetish at the heart of it,  it can be introduced
into any aspect of life.  (The anti-discrimination  fetish is both
hypocritical, because it  only covers forms of discrimination which are
fall within the pc remit, and absurd because no organism, least of all a
highly self-conscious being such as homo sapiens,  can avoid
discriminating continuously because choices have to be made.).

  If political correctness was  merely an ideology which was supported by
those without power it would be neither here nor there. However,  placed
in the hands of  those with power and influence it becomes a sinister
threat .  That is now the case in America. Over a period of  fifty years
the American elite,  (and the elites in  much of the  rest of the
Western world including perhaps  most  notably Britain.) has gradually
created  circumstances which both place whites in a difficult  place
when dealing with non-whites  and  developed  a mentality amongst whites
that  they have to behave  within unnatural  parameters when dealing
with racial matters or in their relations with non-whites  (Hands up
anyone who has ever seen a white liberal behaving normally to a black.
In my experience,  they  invariably adopt an overtly  cringing  but in
reality deeply patronising pseudo-subordinate manner, so keen are they
to prove their  right-on-ness).

Whites  today in places such as the USA and Britain know that  if they
say anything which can be interpreted as  racist,  they run , at best, a
grave risk of losing their employment, especially if  that employment is
in the  public service ,  and , at worst, demonisation by the media with
the possibility  of   legal action, both civil and criminal , being
taken against them. Moreover,  the definition of racism used by  the
politically correct is  now  so wide that  includes any statement by
whites  which is deemed "non-inclusive", that is, it  refers only to
white society and culture. For example,  the politically correct deem it
"racist" for the indigenous population  in England to  portray  their
history as being  what it was,  essentially, a record of white
endeavour., even though such  a portrayal is achieved simply by
recounting what happened and who was involved and not by any  deliberate
ethnic triumphalism.  In the USA, the use of the word niggardly - a word
with no racial connotation - was,   incredibly,  enough to cause a
resignation because  it sounded a little like  nigger.

To this is added the difficulty for whites of dealing with disagreements
with non-whites. Any white knows that if  they get   into a dispute with
a non-white they are  onto a hiding to nothing. No matter where the
rights or wrongs  of a dispute  lie,  the white understands that they
are in  danger  of being called a racist  by  person they are in dispute
with and that if that happens ,  those in authority  over them  such as
his employer - and if it gets that far,  the  mainstream media and
politicians - will  tend to uncritically accept the claim of racism as
true  Such a claim will also probably cause many of their social
contacts to be wary of associating with them.

The white person  is also aware that  the criminal  law is increasingly
used  to investigate  such claims  where they involve a non-white
accusing a white. Conversely, the white  knows  that if they  make a
claim of racism against a non-white  is  unlikely to be taken  seriously
by those with power and public influence.  (I have tested the attitude
of the Metropolitan Police  (the London Force)  unit dealing with racial
incitement - the Racial and Violent Crimes Squad  - by making complaints
of racial incitement  against whites.  The complaints were all based on
public statements., one of which described the English as a virus. Not
only did the police refuse to investigate, they  would not  even record
the complaints.  Let me  hastily add that  I did this simply to prove
the bias of the police for  I do not  approve of laws criminalizing  the
spoken and written word ,  unless the incitement to a crime is such that
it could be considered to form a conspiracy to commit the crime, for
example, an Imam urging his  flock to undertake suicide bombings ).

If all of this is not enough to intimidate most people, there is the
further  worry  for whites that  they will fall foul of the
institutionalisation of political correctness within not only all public
bodies but also  private companies, especially  large ones. Every public
and private corporation is obliged to not only obey laws outlawing
discrimination, they have to positively prove that they are actively
rooting out discrimination. The result is the creation of a breed of
employees who are in fact if not name political commissars.

Finally, the  ideological  circus is kept going at the micro level by
those amongst the mass of ordinary  people who delight in aping  the
ideology of the elite. They  play the role of unofficial political
commissars   and constantly  intervene in social situations both by
leading conversation in a politically correct direction  Some act as
informers to the police and people such as employers. .

The upshot of such  developments together with  the massive and
incessant  public promotion of  political correctness and its subset
multiculturalism, has produced  a mentality amongst whites that  is
normally found in police states.  The propaganda  and action against
transgressors has not produced  a general belief in the ideology, but it
is has created  the state of mind whereby  people instinctively avoid
behaviour which conflicts with the ideology because it  signals danger.
The extent of the apprehension engendered amongst whites is evidenced by
the almost obligatory  and pathetic  "I‘m not prejudiced," or "I’m
not racist" which is attached to any statement  which might conceivably
be thought to be outside  the permitted limits of political correctness.

This ideological climate meant that  McCain was at   a triple
disadvantage. First., it constrained his own behaviour,. For example, it
prevented him  from concentrating on  Obama’s association with the
whitey hating likes of  Jeremiah Wright  and his past  writings on race
which show Obama to be full of the black victimhood mentality , the
source of his funding  and  the question of his birth place (which could
have disqualified him from running as president) . More generally,
McCain was  constrained in his general behaviour towards Obama ,
displaying the  difficulty in behaving honestly which whites  commonly
show when dealing with  non-whites.

Second,  the McCain camp could not overtly appeal to  white voters to
vote for  their ethnic interest  or even make any appeal  which would
appeal by its nature to whites only. .  Instead  he was forced to play
the pc game and   push a message which either treated the population as
a single whole - which is a covert message to minorities  because it
creates a false equivalence amongst the various populations which make
up the US population - or  a message  which directly pandered to
minorities.

Third, most  of the electorate displayed the common mindset created by
the enforcement of political correctness   Even those  who  said they
would not vote for Obama in most cases were punctilious is saying what a
fine fellow he was generally . Whites  who were  honest about  not
wishing to vote for a black man were permitted to appear in the media
only  as  quasi-Satanic examples of  the non-pc evils which had to be
extirpated.  Those who believe  he is a closet  Muslim or who expressed
doubts about his birth qualification for  the Presidency  were depicted
as dim-witted hicks who knew no better.

The pro-Obama bias of the  mainstream media meant that  the  questions
McCain should have raised  but did not because of political correctness,
remained unasked or at least  were not asked  and  followed through in a
meaningful fashion (It is easy to emasculate a potentially dangerous
issue for a candidate by asking the question once, then allowing an
anodyne dismissive reply without challenge followed by the dropping of
the subject.  This allows the media to claim they have addressed the
subject). . The mainstream media effectively became part of the Obama
campaign and  projected him to the public at  his own estimation.

The imbalance

While McCain  and his supporters who had a public voice were prevented
from mentioning   race , Obama’s camp and the  mainstream media  were
free to mention it as often as they wanted.  Obama led the way  by
playing the race card against  Bill Clinton  and  by giving a much
publicised  speech devoted  to the subject.

There was also evidence that the authorities  were anything but
even-handed.   For example, take this  story from polling day: "Police
in Philadelphia were called to a polling booth where two members of the
Black Panthers guarded the door, one of them armed with a truncheon,
intimidating voters. One of the men was told to leave. [Note he was told
to leave not  made to leave].

"Rick Leventahl, the voter who called the police, said that one of the
men told him: "A black man is going to win the election. We’re tired
of white supremacy." (Daily Telegraph 5 11 2008 Tim Shipman and Tom
Leonard "Turnout hits  record as fraud claims dog polling day".

Can anyone imagine members of the Klu Klux Klan being allowed to man  a
polling booth door let alone  behaving  in an equivalent way? Can anyone
imagine a  white of any  political group or none making an equivalent
statement about blacks  and not being at least arrested and  subjected
to a media hate blitz?  In the present climate, the probability  is that
the person would lose their  job and might well face a  criminal charge.

Obama outspent McCain  by two to one. (Obama $650m McCain $360 million),
This  meant that the in-built media bias in his favour was amplified by
his ability to purchase TV and radio time far beyond   anything  Mcain
could afford.

Political  correctness also prevented anyone in the mainstream
satirising   or ridiculing  Obama. Comedians shunned  the subject from
fear of being  thought racist . There was no impressionist  mocking him,
not least because  no black impressionist would have dared  or even
wanted to while no white could have impersonated him successfully
without doing the unthinkable and blacking up.

The Palin factor

Palin’s  selection was another consequence of political correctness.,
the cynical calculation being that a women would balance a black  man.

Had  McCain not looked  depressingly old as well as being old (and thus
suggested to voters that he might well not last the course of single
presidency let alone two terms), and if the  mainstream media had been
reasonably  sympathetic to the  Republican Party  (or even  if the media
had been impartial), the selection of Palin  would probably not have
made a great source of  critical comment.  As McCain  did look very old
and  the media was wildly partisan  on the Obama side it did .

At best, Palin   preached  only to the Republican faithful  and
consequently brought few new voters to McCain,; at worst she  allowed
the McCain campaign to be undermined to a degree by  a mixture of
ridicule and   plausible fears about her ability to step into the
president’s shoes if McCain turned his toes up.

Unsatisfactory  as her  selection proved to be,  her detrimental effect,
if it existed was at best marginal for . McCain  did not lose  greatly
in the polls  after her selection until the economic crisis occurred.

A deeply divided nation

The most startling thing about the result is its closeness, not in the
electoral college votes but  the popular vote. Despite being able to
outspend  McCain by two to one, despite receiving overwhelming
mainstream media support, despite receiving  political endorsements from
important political figures across the political spectrum , despite the
rock-concert style rallies,  despite the ongoing tragedy of Iraq and
Afghanistan, despite the  economic mess  developed on Bush’s watch,
despite a massive  surge in electoral registrations  (the large majority
of which  voted  for  Obama), despite blacks voting en bloc for him (and
other ethnic minorities voting in large part for him), despite McCain
belonging to the party of a widely disliked and derided  president, the
bald fact is that  Obama only took around 52% of the vote.  A majority
of white Americans  has got a president they did not want.

This election was probably the shape of things to come..  The  white
majority will  become increasingly marginalized  as politicians compete
ever more exclusively  for the ethnic minority vote. No one in the
mainstream spoke for white interests at  this election and  unless  the
politically  correct, multicultural grip is broken , no one will for the
foreseeable future. The worst case scenario  for whites is that they
eventually become  an ethnic minority themselves  competing  with the
rest. Most at peril  are the group which   defines the nation
historically and provides its ballast even now , the non-hyphenated
white Americans .

Is there  hope of an integrationist  solution?  Almost certainly not.
All the evidence is that  ethnic conflict increases  where populations
are mixed.  A recent study by  Scientists from The New England Complex
Systems Institute, near Boston, Mass,  published  a study  in the
journal Science  which purported to use a mathematical technique to
predict  ethnic  tension  in India  and the former Yugoslavia. The study
concluded  that

"Well-defined borders help prevent ethnic tension.   "Violence takes
place when an ethnic group is large enough to impose cultural norms on
public spaces, but not large enough to prevent those  norms from being
broken," said Dr May Lim, a coauthor currently at the  University of the
Philippines. "Usually this occurs in places where boundaries between
groups are unclear." daily Telegraph    Maths 'could be used to stop
ethnic violence' By Roger Highfield, Science Editor  13/09/2007