Margin of Maneuver in the Middle East
2009/01/12
Very Large
In December, a German shipping company received a contract to deliver a shipload of combat material to Israel. As reported by the Reuters news agency, the cargo comprised altogether 989 standard 20 ft. containers that were to be transported from Military Ocean Terminal Sunny Point (North Carolina, USA) to the Israeli port of Ashdod. December 15 is given as the date of shipment, with charter duration of 42 days. In the contract, according to Reuters, mention is made of 5,8 million pounds (2.6 million kg) of net explosive weight, which in professional circles is judged to be a "very large quantity".[1] The German shipping company has, in the meantime, confirmed receipt of the contract, but did not give details.
Irregular
Reuters reports that the next US arms delivery to Israel is currently being prepared. It will be comprised of 325 standard 20 ft. containers that will be shipped to Ashdod during the month of January from the Greek port Astakos in two shipments. The contents of the cargo are classified as munitions (explosives and detonators).[2] The contractor is the US Navy's Military Sealift Command (MSC), which autonomously delivers weapons, but depending on the circumstances, sometimes falls back on private shipping companies, as in the current case. Since this shipment is in connection with the war on Gaza, British military experts have classified it as "irregular".
Both Sides
The legwork being carried out by a German shipping company for the war on Gaza, brings to mind the voluminous arms exports to the Middle East from the Federal Republic of Germany. Both the Arab as well as the Israeli sides were being supplied. The German government's Arms Export Reports denote that over the past few years, Israel has received exports valued at 15 - 20 million Euros - mainly anti-naval and anti-aircraft equipment as well as spare parts for tanks and armored vehicles. The Arms Export Report for 2007, published in Berlin just before Christmas vacation, denotes the export licenses for more than 28 million Euros in equipment: all-terrain vehicles, spare parts for tanks, ABC protective equipment, as well as communications and navigational hardware. The Israeli Dolphin class submarines are also of German production.
Alibi
Egypt, a traditional recipient of German weapons is being supplied a similar amount of war material. The focus is on trucks and spare parts for armored vehicles, communications equipment and munitions. One analysis explains that "German scientists and technicians have taken an active part in building up the Egyptian arms industry."[3] During the 1950s former Nazi arms experts were working on site in Egypt, developing missiles, among other things. Among the experts, who were participating, with the knowledge and in part with the financial backing of the West German government, were a former director of the "Reichswerke Hermann Göring" and a specialist of the Nazi missile research facility in Großendorf.[4] The fact that Israel was among the possible primary targets of the missiles produced in Egypt, with the help of these German specialists, exposes the alibi character of the allegation that West Germany's Middle East policy, was primarily oriented toward the wellbeing of Israel, because of the Nazi crimes against humanity.
Rivals
For years, Saudi Arabia, one of the Middle East Nations, has been among the most important recipients outside NATO of German armaments deliveries. The Arms Export Reports note that over the past four years German exports reached between 30 (in 2005) and 59 (2004) million Euros, mainly spare parts for planes, naval equipment, communication instruments and small arms. With its arms exports to Saudi Arabia, Germany is not merely arming an Arab country, but above all, one of Iran's rivals for the predominating influence in the Persian Gulf. Think tanks in Berlin are proposing an even more intensive cooperation with Riyad. For example the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) writes: "if Germany wants to expand its margin of maneuver in the Middle East, the strengthening of cooperation with Saudi Arabia seems imperative."[5]
Controls
But, on the other hand, the German government seeks to prevent the arms exports of reprehensible countries. As the German foreign minister announced on the weekend, Berlin will participate in preventing the delivery of Iranian weapons into the Gaza Strip. In a few days, a German group of experts is due to fly to Egypt for this purpose. "Many of those I have spoken to in the Middle East" said Steinmeier on Saturday, "told me that Iran threatens to become the big winner of the Gaza Conflict."[6] German help in the fortification of the Lebanese borders [7] was not least of all to thwart the influx of weapons to the Hisbollah from Teheran. Following the same pattern, the Gaza Strip is now to be cut off from an influx of undesired Iranian weapons. The West reserves for itself the control over the arms buildup of the competing Middle East states.
Independent Presence
2008/01/29
Positively Influenced
DGAP considers that the German led, UN mandated naval deployment along the Lebanese coast (UNIFIL-II Maritime Task Force) is a clear success. The official reason given for the UNIFIL mission is the prevention of alleged arms smuggling in the Eastern Mediterranean. To date, UNIFIL II warships have not captured a single vessel transporting illegal arms. Nevertheless, it succeeded in "positively influencing an otherwise skeptical Lebanese public perception of European engagement in the Middle East," writes the DGAP.[1] At the beginning there were difficulties because the local population suspected that the western maritime presence was "to serve Israeli interests." But UNIFIL II ultimately succeeded in ending the Israeli embargo of Lebanese harbors. This, according to DGAP, clearly increased Lebanese sympathy for Germany and Europe.
Failure
UNIFIL succeeded where an earlier EU police deployment in the Near East had failed: the EU Border Assistance Mission at the Rafah Crossing Point (EUBAM-Rafah) between the Gaza Strip and Egypt. Since November 30, 2005, EU police detachments, with German participation, had been monitoring Palestinian border controls. The deployment's objective was to prepare Palestinian personnel to permanently take over the border controls. But already then, the EU police force was merely assisting in the hateful closing of the border effected by Israel, by "providing a quasi legal allure" as observers criticize.[2] When, in June 2007, Hamas took power in the Gaza Strip "EUBAM Rafah" withdrew completely. Meanwhile, the EU deployment has been formally extended to Mai 24, 2008 and discussions have been initiated about renewed Palestinian border controls under EU police monitoring. But, as the DGAP writes: "unable to keep the Rafah crossing open, the EU monitors essentially implemented Israel's closure policy,"[3] therefore the whole mission must actually be considered a failure.
Border Controls
"UNIFIL II" and "EUBAM Rafah" highlight the EU and German intention to establish their independent police and military presence in the Near East. The efforts to take on the appearance of a neutral mediator between Israel and Arab countries are being accompanied by efforts to strengthen those forces willing to cooperate extensively with the West, as UNIFIL and German (affiliated) initiatives show. The UN and the West are sealing Lebanon off from Syria, while massively pressuring Beirut to limit its relations with Damascus and enhance them with the EU and the USA.[4] Since December 2006, troops of the Lebanese Navy are being trained and armed in the framework of UNIFIL, to control all movement at sea. Germany is contributing with its own bilateral initiatives [5]: "In the framework of bilateral development cooperation, Germany is also rebuilding the costal radar system of the Lebanese Navy," DGAP reports. "In a pilot project along the northern border with Syria, Lebanese soldiers and officers of the police, customs and border guards are being initiated and trained in integrated border management."[6] The traffic of goods and persons between Syria and Lebanon is therefore subjected to heavy controls, weakening pro-Syrian forces in Beirut.
Ready for Cooperation
Berlin and Brussels have started similar initiatives in the Palestinian Autonomous Territories, where EU police have already been active since January 1, 2006 within the framework of "EUPOL COPPS" ("EU Police Mission - Coordinating Office for Palestinian Police Support"). Germany is also participating in this deployment, which was prolonged last December. The mission is to implement the development plan for the Palestinian police and to instruct the leading personnel of the police in the Autonomous Territories. By supplying equipment, such as the recent supply of radio equipment to the police in Nablus, Berlin is also contributing to the establishment of the Palestinian repressive apparatus. The supply of police vehicles is to follow. "EUPOL COPPS" is seen favorably by the German government: also in this case, assistance is directed toward those sectors of the Palestinian population that are willing to cooperate. They are being equipped to suppress anti-western sectors. Last but not least due to EU support, the Palestinian authorities have "succeeded in convincing members of the Al-Aksa Brigades, wanted by Israel, to give up their weapons," summed up the German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, recently at the Bertelsmann Foundation [7] - this is a good example of Berlin's approach.
Independent
The DGAP is now proposing that Germany extend its military presence in the Near East. As the "leading country" in the UNIFIL II Maritime Task Force "Germany is now in an advantageous position to influence future maritime operations" - either under the banner of the UN or of some other multi-national organization.[8] The experiences acquired along the Lebanese coast "could possibly serve as a precedent for a similar maritime mission in other related regional scenarios, such as along the coast of the Gaza Strip," write German government advisors. Such possibilities should be "seriously explored and advanced", regardless of expected Israeli resistance.[9] With the build-up of a German police and military presence in the vicinity of Israel, Berlin is strengthening western positions. By conspicuously adopting a mediating role between Tel Aviv and Arab forces, Germany is at the same time laying the basis for enhancing its positions in the Near East - also in sharpening its profile in contrast to Israel and the USA.
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