Wednesday, 27 May 2009

Here's the missing source [highlighted] .  It's not only what Cameron 
said. it's what he wrote.

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GUARDIAN 25/6.5.09

A new politics: Electoral reform
We'll consider fixed-term parliaments, but not proportional  
representation, as many in the Guardian series have demanded

. David Cameron

We also need to look seriously at the immense power prime ministers 
wield through their ability to call an election whenever they want. I 
know there are strong political and moral arguments against fixed-
term parliaments.

Political - because there's nothing worse than a lame-duck government 
with a tiny majority limping on for years. And moral - because when a 
prime minister has gone into an election and won it promising to 
serve a full term, but then hands over to an unelected leader halfway 
through, the people deserve an election as soon as possible. These 
arguments are of course particularly relevant today. But I believe 
the arguments for fixed-term parliaments are strengthening too. If we 
want parliament to be a real engine of accountability, we need to 
show it's not just the creature of the executive.

That's why a Conservative government will seriously consider the 
option of fixed-term parliaments when there's a majority government.

But it's also why a Conservative government will not consider 
introducing proportional representation, as many participants in A 
New Politics have demanded. The principle underlying all the 
political reforms a Conservative government would make is the 
progressive principle of redistributing power and control from the 
powerful to the powerless. PR would actually move us in the opposite 
direction, which is why I'm so surprised it's still on the wish-list 
of progressive reformers. Proportional representation takes power 
away from the man and woman in the street and hands it to the 
political elites. Instead of voters choosing their government on the 
basis of the manifestos put before them in an election, party 
managers would choose a government on the basis of secret backroom 
deals. How is that going to deliver transparency and trust?

But the tragic truth today is that no matter how much we strengthen 
parliament or hold government to account, there will still be forces 
at work in our country that are completely unaccountable to the 
people of Britain - people and organisations that have huge power and 
control over our daily lives and yet which no citizen can actually 
get at. Almost half the regulations affecting our businesses come 
from the EU. And since the advent of the Human Rights Act, judges are 
increasingly making our laws. The EU and the judges - neither of them 
accountable to British citizens - have taken too much power over 
issues that are contested aspects of public policy, and which should 
therefore be settled in the realm of democratic politics.

It's no wonder people feel so disillusioned with politics and 
parliament when they see so many big decisions that affect their 
lives being made somewhere else. So a progressive reform agenda 
demands that we redistribute power from the EU to Britain, and from 
judges to the people.

We will therefore hold a referendum on the Lisbon treaty; pass a law 
requiring a referendum to approve any further transfers of power to 
the EU; negotiate the return of powers, and require far more detailed 
scrutiny in parliament of EU legislation, regulation and spending. 
And we will introduce a British bill of rights to strengthen our 
liberties, spell out the extent and limit of rights more clearly, and 
ensure proper democratic accountability over the creation of any new 
rights.

But when it comes to lack of accountability, no one and nothing beats 
the quangos. Quasi-autonomous non-?governmental organisations. Their 
name is as dire as their impact on our society. There are over 500 of 
these things in Britain, whose power and influence can be seen 
everywhere. But aren't serious political issues too important to be 
left to unaccountable quangos?

Everything that I have spoken about - redistributing power to people, 
and
reinstating accountability in our politics - all of it will, I hope, 
help get more people involved in politics and public policy, and help 
end that despairing sense of powerlessness that pervades our society. 
But there's one more item on the agenda: transparency.

Ask most people where politics ?happens and they'd paint a picture of 
tight-knit tribes making important decisions in wood-panelled rooms, 
speaking a strange language. If we want people to have faith and get 
involved, we need to defeat this impression by opening politics up: 
making everything transparent, accessible - and human. And the 
starting point for reform should be a near-total transparency of the 
political and governing elite, so people can see what's being done in 
their name.

Transparency tears down the hiding places for sleaze, overspending 
and corruption. Soon enough all MPs' expenses are going to be 
published online for everyone to see: I and the rest of the shadow 
cabinet are already doing it. And if we win the next election, we're 
going to do the same for all other public servants earning over 
£150,000. Just imagine the effect that an army of armchair auditors 
is going to have on those expense claims.

Indeed, the promise of public scrutiny is going to have a powerful 
effect on over-spending of any variety. A Conservative government 
will put all national spending over £25,000 online for everyone to 
see, so citizens can hold the government to account for how their tax 
money is being spent. And we will extend this principle of 
transparency to every nook and cranny of politics and public life, 
because it's one of the quickest and easiest ways to transfer power 
to the powerless and prevent waste, exploitation and abuse.

That's why all our Conservative candidates for the European 
parliament have signed a pledge setting out new standards of 
transparency and ethical behaviour. All Conservative MEPs elected 
next week will publish online a breakdown of all office costs; 
details of all travel; the names of each member of staff they employ; 
and details of all meetings with businesses, lobbyists and other 
interest groups.

But transparency isn't just about cleaning up politics, it's also 
about opening up politics. Right now a tiny percentage of the 
population crafts legislation that will apply to 100% of the 
population. This locks out countless people across the country whose 
expertise could help. So why not invite them in on the process? We'll 
create a right of initiative nationally, where if you collect enough 
signatures you can get your proposals debated in the House of Commons 
and become law. And we'll open up the legislative process in other 
ways too.
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David Cameron will be giving a speech on reforming government today 
[Tuesday]  at the Open University in Milton Keynes

This is the third part of an article the Conservative leader has 
written to accompany that speech. The article has been divided into 
four simultaneously published parts