Wednesday, 15 July 2009

The Charlemagne column us generally sound and here he is both sound and very angry and spitting contempt.  

If you want a detailed exposé  of the utter degradation of the word 'democracy' read on.    The moral vacuum of the ghastly Poettering has been highlighted by me continually and it seems that he is representative of the New Europe.  Now I come to think of it Hitler was always building his 'New Order' too

Christina

THE ECONOMIST    14.7.09
Posted by: Charlemagne

IS political stability compatible with democracy? At the extremes, clearly not: you do not need a crystal ball to predict which party will control the National People’s Congress in China next year, or in 2012, and that is not a good thing. Anarchy is not great for democracy either.

Between the two poles, the cursor slides around: but surely as a guiding principle one is entitled to be suspicious of politicians who call for a version of “stability” that just happens to suit their personal interests…and then turn round and declare they are acting to defend democracy.

That just happened here in Strasbourg, where I am at the first session of the European Parliament after elections in June. The first decision to be taken by a new parliament is to elect a president. I confess that to me, this seems a thankless sort of post. Not least it involves punishing hours of listening to dull debates in the main chamber. There is behind the scenes influence, but the prizes are mostly protocol-based. If official visits to Kazakhstan or Laos are your thing, with children holding bouquets of flowers at the foot of the aircraft steps and a wailing motorcade into town, then parliament president is for you.

But still, it is hotly sought after, and so—this being the European Parliament—the post has been subjected to a stitch-up. Before any MEPs had arrived, the EPP (the main centre-right group which had a good election) stitched up a “technical agreement” with the S&D group (the main centre-left group, who had a terrible election) to divide the presidency of the parliament between them, with the EPP taking the first two and half years, and the S&D taking the second two and a half.

The leaders of the EPP, S&D and Liberal groups today put out a “common statement to the press” before a single MEP had voted for the new president, indicating how that vote (nominally a secret ballot) would end: with the election of Jerzy Buzek, a former Polish prime minister:
“Stressing their common commitment to strong pro-European values, and willing to guarantee the stability of the European Parliament as the deepest expression of European democracy and integration, they have agreed that the European Parliament shall be chaired by Mr Jerzy Buzek from the EPP Group for the first half of the 2009-2014 legislature, and by a Member appointed by the S&D Group for the second half of the legislature.”

In other words, a week is a long time in politics, but in the European Parliament, two and a half years is not long enough to engender the slightest uncertainty. Mr Buzek was duly elected today, and thanks to the second half of the deal, the party that lost the 2009 Euro-elections will appoint a president to take over from him at the end of 2011.

This is a trick used before, and the theory is that it shows the parliament is going to be run by a grand coalition of left and right (with the centrist liberals joining in, in exchange for a couple of plum committee posts), to guarantee that big bits of legislation can be passed by absolute majority.

Why is it so important to achieve an absolute majority, as opposed to a simple majority, which the EPP could probably achieve most of the time by striking a deal with the Liberals and the breakaway British Conservatives? Well, it betrays a distinctive vision of what the parliament is for. An absolute majority (ie a majority of all MEPs, and not just a majority of the MEPs present when a vote is taken), is what the parliament needs to overturn the combined will of the European Commission and national governments of the EU (on a first reading vote) and to amend legislation against the will of the national governments (on a second reading vote). And for many people in this sprawling parliamentary complex, their dream is biffing and bashing national governments as much as possible: people like Martin Schulz, the socialist (S&D) leader never fails to attack the "Council”, which is the body that gathers together the national members.

The cost of seeking the power to bash national governments is ideological coherency. The Socialists, Liberals and EPP have pretty different views of how to regulate financial markets, for example. At the elections in June, they told voters that they stood for radically different visions of regulation and capitalism. Yet now, in order to maximise parliamentary power, they are happy to bury those differences and form a grand coalition, rather than form something closer to a centre-right/liberal majority, with a socialist opposition.

Or, rather, they seek a different sort of ideological coherency. One of the interesting new forms of rhetoric going around here is the idea that there must be a grand alliance of “pro-European” parties. That is code for minimising the clout of the (mostly British) Eurosceptics from the new British Conservative led grouping, the European Conservatives and Reformists, and to their right the anti-European/anti-immigration group that joins the United Kingdom Independence Party to the Northern League of Italy, and other angry nationalist parties.

The Times grabbed a revealing interview [see - "Federalist demagogue betrays his anti-democratic intentions" sent yesterday with the outgoing president of the parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering, in which he said:

“I think it is very important that the pro-European MEPs co-operate well so the anti-Europeans cannot make their voices heard so strongly.”

By anti-Europeans, he presumably means British Conservatives and everyone to their right, plus the hard-left.

So to sum up, it is more important for Christian Democrats, Liberals and Socialists to be able to defeat the massed national governments, and to marginalise British Eurosceptics, than to defend a coherent ideological line.

Does that make the European Parliament wicked? No. But it surely undermines that glib assertion at the heart of the “common statement” put out today, that the parliament is the “deepest expression of European democracy.” Note that the statement did not claim that the stitch-up over the parliament presidency was an expression of democracy. It said that the parliament is an expression of democracy: that is a telling distinction. Basically, MEPs convinced themselves long ago that they are the answer to the problem of the EU's democratic deficit, therefore everything that makes them stronger advances the cause of European democracy.

But that is not true. Real, democratic parliaments with lots of competing parties do not stitch-up their top jobs for the next five years like this. The European Parliament is not really an expression of democracy. Instead, the European Parliament is the deepest expression of a form of supranational elected representation that people here in Strasbourg think of as democracy.