Sunday, 9 August 2009

There Is a Military Option on Iran

U.S. Air Force and Naval forces could do serious damage to Tehran’s nuclear facilities if diplomacy fails.

By CHUCK WALD
The Wall Street Journal AUGUST 6, 2009, 11:35 P.M. ET
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204908604574332753028699432.html#

In a policy address at the Council on Foreign Relations last month,
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said of Iran, “We cannot be afraid or
unwilling to engage.” But the Iranian government has yet to accept President Obama’s outstretched hand. Even if Tehran suddenly acceded to talks, U.S. policy makers must prepare for the eventuality that diplomacy fails. While there has been much discussion of economic sanctions, we cannot neglect the military’s role in a Plan B.

There has been a lack of serious public discussion of the military tools
available to us. Any mention of them is either met with accusations of
warmongering or hushed with concerns over sharing sensitive information. It
is important to discuss, within legal limits, such a serious issue as openly
as possible. Discussion strengthens our democracy and dispels
misinformation.

The military can play an important role in solving this complex problem
without firing a single shot. Publicly signaling serious preparation for a
military strike might obviate the need for one if deployments force Tehran
to recognize the costs of its nuclear defiance. Mr. Obama might consider,
for example, the deployment of additional carrier battle groups and
minesweepers to the waters off Iran, and the conduct of military exercises
with allies.

If such pressure fails to impress Iranian leadership, the U.S. Navy could
move to blockade Iranian ports. A blockade—which is an act of war—would
effectively cut off Iran’s gasoline imports, which constitute about
one-third of its consumption. Especially in the aftermath of post-election
protests, the Iranian leadership must worry about the economic dislocations
and political impact of such action.

Should these measures not compel Tehran to reverse course on its nuclear
program, and only after all other diplomatic avenues and economic pressures
have been exhausted, the U.S. military is capable of launching a devastating
attack on Iranian nuclear and military facilities.

Many policy makers and journalists dismiss the military option on the basis
of a false sense of futility. They assume that the U.S. military is already
overstretched, that we lack adequate intelligence about the location of
covert nuclear sites, and that known sites are too heavily fortified.

Such assumptions are false.

An attack on Iranian nuclear facilities would mostly involve air assets,
primarily Air Force and Navy, that are not strained by operations in Iraq
and Afghanistan. Moreover, the presence of U.S. forces in countries that
border Iran offers distinct advantages. Special Forces and intelligence
personnel already in the region can easily move to protect key assets or
perform clandestine operations. It would be prudent to emplace additional
missile-defense capabilities in the region, upgrade both regional facilities
and allied militaries, and expand strategic partnerships with countries such
as Azerbaijan and Georgia to pressure Iran from all directions.

Conflict may reveal previously undetected Iranian facilities as Iranian
forces move to protect them. Moreover, nuclear sites buried underground may
survive sustained bombing, but their entrances and exits will not.

Of course, there are huge risks to military action: U.S. and allied
casualties; rallying Iranians around an unstable and oppressive regime;
Iranian reprisals be they direct or by proxy against us and our allies; and
Iranian-instigated unrest in the Persian Gulf states, first and foremost in
Iraq.

Furthermore, while a successful bombing campaign would set back Iranian
nuclear development, Iran would undoubtedly retain its nuclear knowhow. An
attack would also necessitate years of continued vigilance, both to retain
the ability to strike previously undiscovered sites and to ensure that Iran
does not revive its nuclear program.

But the risks of military action must be weighed against those of doing
nothing. If the Iranian regime continues to advance its nuclear program
despite the best efforts of Mr. Obama and other world leaders, we risk
Iranian domination of the oil-rich Persian Gulf, threats to U.S.-allied Arab
regimes, the emboldening of radicals in the region, the creation of an
existential threat to Israel, the destabilization of Iraq, the shutdown of
the Israel-Palestinian peace process, and a regional nuclear-arms race.

A peaceful resolution of the threat posed by Iran’s nuclear ambitions would
certainly be the best possible outcome. But should diplomacy and economic
pressure fail, a U.S. military strike against Iran is a technically feasible
and credible option.
=========
Gen. Wald (U.S. Air Force four-star, retired) was the air commander for the
initial stages of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and
deputy
commander
of the U.S. European Command. He was also a participant in the
Bipartisan Policy Center’s project on U.S. policy toward Iran, “Meeting the
Challenge.”

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