Sunday, 25 October 2009

Read this against the utter complacency of Brown who has just  warned it would be "suicidal" to abandon measures aimed at stimulating the economy in the wake of figures showing Britain was in its worst recession for at least 50 years.  

He hasn’t a first clue of what lies in store for us if we go on as we are!

And we can’t get rid of him (merely in the hope of something better) for another 7 months before we can begin to pick up the pieces.  

Christina 
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SUNDAY TELEGRAPH
25.10.09
The headlong rush into the red exposes the City's yellow streak
The UK, along with the US, is the epicentre of "sub-prime". Much of the regulatory failure, and the financial culture which caused it, emanated from the City of London

 

By Liam Halligan

That's why our response to the credit crunch matters far more than the fate of the world's fifth largest economy. Britain's reaction to our greatest peacetime economic fiasco is being watched around the world. Yet, so far, our policies have been risible.

UK banks still haven't fessed-up their losses. The failure of our politicians, their cowardice in not insisting bail-out cash was conditional on forensic external audits and a bank purge, was a massive blunder. So, too, the grotesque near three-fold expansion of our monetary base – and the use of funny money to buy government bonds.
 
Quantitative easing, of course, is creating a new asset price bubble. The City loves it. Share prices have been pumped-up and necessary bank restructuring averted, for now, by our Zimbabwe-style actions.

Yet QE will end and the restructuring will happen anyway, but now in the context of inflation and debt-service costs that will relegate the UK to the economic slow-lane for years to come.

It didn't have to be this way. But the UK's head-in-the-sand politics and the never-say-boo-to-a-goose nature of our policy discourse means our credit crunch cure will ultimately make a terrible situation even worse.

Having wrecked our public finances, the UK's political and financial elite must now work out a regulatory response to make our banking system safer. Enter Mervyn King. On several previous occasions, the Bank of England Governor has warned we urgently need to rebuild the "Glass-Steagall" firewall between commercial banks (that take deposits) and investment banks (that drive enterprise by funding risky projects). Both activities are needed, of course, but when the same entity does both it's lethal. Why? Because the deposits of ordinary firms and households are necessarily covered by a taxpayer-backed guarantee. But when a "high-risk, high-return" investment bank culture pervades a commercial bank, the former dominates – so state-guaranteed deposits are levered-up by bonus-fuelled executives then used to gamble recklessly. If such bets work, the banks win big. If not, the taxpayer foots the bill.

As King said last week, this invidious reality, and the breath-taking scale of the resulting bank bail-outs, has created "the biggest moral hazard in history".

The UK's implicit banking firewall was torn down as part of the City's Big Bang in the late 1980s. The US followed, repealing the Glass-Steagall legislation introduced in 1933 in the aftermath of the Wall Street crash.
Since then, the Anglo-Saxon world has lurched from crisis to crisis. As Larry Summers said last week: "Roughly every three years for the last generation, a financial system intended to manage, distribute and control risks has, in fact, been the source of risk – with devastating consequences for workers, consumers and taxpayers".

This is true. Yet it was Summers, as Bill Clinton's Treasury Secretary, who removed Glass-Steagall, so ensuring the outcome he laments as inevitable. And it is Summers, as Barak Obama's chief economic advisor, who is now the main obstacle to re-instating this vital safeguard.

As the bank rescues continue, our public finances bleed ever more red ink. The UK borrowed £77bn during the first six months of the year – more than double last year's total. At this rate, we'll issue £220bn of gilts during 2009/10, with such crippling debt-accumulation continuing deep into the next decade.

Yet it's because our banks became "too big to fail" and were able to take risks with ordinary deposits, that sub-prime has resulted in a fiscal crisis too. And this situation arose because commercial and investment banking activities were combined in so-called "universal banks" once Glass-Steagall was removed.

Wall Street and the City, along with their captive politicians, stand in the way of re-imposing Glass-Steagall. Yet, together with King, brave heavyweights such as Lord Lawson and former US Federal Reserve boss Paul Volcker are now speaking out.

"The arguments in favour are compelling," said Sir Brian Pitman, when I asked him about Glass-Steagall. "The case for it is strong". A former Lloyds TSB Chairman, Sir Brian is possibly the most respected British banker of the last 20 years. "In the end, the UK can never do it alone," he concedes. "The vested interests in the US are simply too great".

Yet, by leading the charge towards a new Glass-Steagall, a Tory government could do much to restore London's name as a centre of regulatory excellence. Where the UK feared to tread, the rest of the world – sick of the financial volatility of the last 20 years – would eventually follow.

The Tories' current stance is that with regulatory tweaks we can avoid root-and-branch banking reform. To quote Mervyn King, this is nothing but "delusion".
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China devours Western prop of falling oil prices
I was in Beijing last week, as news emerged that the UK's recession is now officially the worst on record. The contrast between my native country and the one I was visiting could not have been more stark.

 

By Liam Halligan

The British economy shrank 0.4pc between July and September – the sixth successive quarterly contraction.

That hasn't happened since such data were first recorded in 1955. UK GDP is now a massive 6pc smaller than it was this time last year.

France and Germany are showing signs of growth but Britain remains locked in a deep recession – given our over-reliance on the service sector and financial services in particular. The ghastly figures saw the pound plunge 1.7pc against an ailing dollar and by even more against the euro. Weaker sterling makes UK imports dearer, stoking further the inflationary fires this column has warned about for months.

China, meanwhile, grew at a staggering 8.9pc in the third quarter. Some question the figures, but no one can deny the Chinese economy, after last year's export dip, is now roaring ahead once more.

It used to be the case that when the Western world went into recession, oil prices would automatically fall.

As the principal energy consumer, a weaker West meant the global economy needed less crude.

The resulting lower energy costs would help us escape recession, easing fuel bills while allowing our central banks to cut interest rates with less fear of inflation.

The world has now changed. The West remains in an economic coma, yet oil just hit $81 a barrel – the highest this year and up 115pc since February.
The naysayers will point to speculative pressure but, again, that misses the bigger picture. 

The reality is that the fast-growing emerging giants now make the economic weather – which means oil no longer falls in a way that assists Western recovery.  Transport accounts for 70pc of global oil use. And China's car market just became the world's largest – with sales reaching 9.7m during the first nine months of 2009, a jaw-dropping 34pc above the same period last year.

As Chinese workers get richer, such growth is set to continue. There are still only 30 cars  per thousand Chinese people – compared to over 800 in the US.

The return of sky-high growth in China and the other large emerging markets means lower oil prices won't be coming to the UK's rescue any time soon