The Elite Financial Oligarchy - our present danger
The Elite Financial Oligarchy Poses a Clear and Present Danger to America's Freedom, Sovereignty and Independence
http://www.alexanderhamiltoninstitute.org/lp/Hancock/CD-ROMS/GlobalFederation/Gl\ obal%20-%2001%20-%20Global%20Governance.html
http://www.lewrockwell.com/blog/lewrw/archives/64102.html?
It is quite clear that influential and powerful individuals, groups, institutions and organizations throughout the world are attempting to "create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole." (Quigley, Tragedy & Hope, p.
324) They are also seeking to establish a "new Imperial System" where the nation-state is reduced to an administrative unit in a future world state. These individuals and groups pose a "clear and present danger" to the freedom, sovereignty and independence of the United States of America. We must use every legal and legislative tool at our disposal to oppose these powerful forces. The future of America and its free institutions is at stake.
John Hancock Institute for International Finance ™ Home Global Governance
Global Governance in the Twenty-First Century
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An Overview of the Elite Forces Controlling the World Economy
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Written and Edited By Michael L. Chadwick Boise, Idaho: Global Affairs Publishing Company P. O. Box 16184. Boise, Idaho 83715
A Question of Freedom and Slavery
"I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery.... Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings."
Patrick Henry March 23, 1775
A Deliberate & Systematical Plan of Slavery "Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day; but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, and pursued unalterably through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate, systematical plan of reducing us to slavery." Thomas Jefferson August, 1774
Dedication
This trilogy is respectively dedicated to James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln. Their fierce devotion to the principles of freedom and liberty was unequivocal, relentless and exemplary. Their dedication to the principles of a constitutional monetary system was unparalleled the history of the Republic. Their unwavering courage and steadfast opposition to the elite financial oligarchies in their respective days has earned them the adoration and praise of true patriots forever. The last of these noble and great men gave the last full measure of his devotion to America and its free institutions--even his life in the ongoing war between the forces of freedom and tyranny.
This trilogy is also dedicated to the courageous men and women of the 19th and 20th centuries who opposed the elite financial oligarchies in their day.
Table of Contents
Part I Preface i. The Doctrines of Machiavellianism Permeate the World of Business and Society--Ida M. Tarbell ii. The Development of the European Banking System Throughout the World iii. The Emerging System of Global Governance--A Review of Current Literature
Part II Introduction
1. Global Governance or Global Tyranny?
Part III The Engineers of Global Governance
2. Multinational Corporate Directors--The Takeover of the World
3. International Bankers--A World of Intrigue
4. International Investment Bankers--Financial Engineering of Corporate Takeovers
5. The Impact of Wall Street on the World
6. The Arrogance of Wall Street--The Mexican Peso Bailout
Part IV Global Interdependence--Spinning a Web of Control
7. The Emerging Global Community
8. The Third Try at World Order
9. Economic Disarmament--the Role of the International Chamber of Commerce
Part V The Development of a Central Management System
10. Trilateralism--Blueprint for Global Governance
11. Economic Summitry--Institutionalizing Trilateral Supranational Rule
Part VI The Central Engines of Global Governance
12. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development--Central Economic Planning at the Global Level
13. International Monetary Fund--Moving Toward a Global Central Bank
14. General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade--Economic Disarmament of the World
15. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development--Redistributing Income on a Global Basis
16. Bank for International Settlements--The Banker's Secret Conclave
17. Federal Reserve System--Controlling the Issuance of Money and Credit
18. World Trade Organization--Managed Trade on a Global Scale
Part VII Ideological Manipulation of the Intellectual Community
19. Tax-Exempt Foundations--Their Impact on the Educational System of America
20. Movement Toward a Global Society--The Role of Interdependence Education
21. The Introduction of Legal Positivism into America
Part VIII Institutes of International Affairs--Molding the Minds of the Sub-Elite
22. Education for a New World Order--A Global Network of International Affairs Institutes
23. Global Ideology, Humanistic Studies and the Aspen Institute
24. Council on Foreign Relations--Elitism and the Eastern Establishment
25. Bilderberg Meetings--Annual Conference of the World's Power Elite
26. Foreign Policy Association--America's Transition from Isolationism to Globalism
27. National Education Association--Education for World Order
28. World Affairs Council and Global Interdependence
29. Declaration of Interdependence
30. Fabian Society and the Age of Democratic Socialism
Part IX Regional Trade Agreements
31. European Community--Towards a Socialist Super-State for Europe
32. North American Free Trade Agreement--Merging the Americas
Part X Media World--Thought Control over the Inhabitants of the Earth
33. Impact of the Media on America and the World
34. Hollywood--Corruption of the World Morality
Part XI International Institutions
35. League of Nations & the United Nations
Part XII Conclusion
36. The Establishment of an Imperial World State
Appendix A
Appendix 1 Billionaires Throughout the World
1. Foreign Billionaires
2. American Billionaires
Appendix 2 Major Corporations Throughout the World
1. 50 Largest Corporations in the World
2. 25 Largest Public Foreign Companies
3. Countries with the Most Companies
4. Biggest Companies in World by Industry
5. World's Largest Industrial Corporations
6. World's Largest 100 Banks by Assets
7. World's Largest Corporations by Country
8. Europe's 100 Largest Fund Managers
9. America's Leading Investment Houses
10. America's Biggest Brokers
11. America's 100 Largest Multinational Corporations
12. Leading Commercial Banks in Foreign Exchange Market
13. America's Leading Merger & Acquisition Specialists
14. America's Leading Corporate Underwriters
15. America's 800 Most Powerful People
16. America's 500 Largest Industrial Corporations
17. America's 500 Largest Private Companies
18. America's 100 Largest Foreign Investments in the U.S.
Appendix 3 Interviews with Influential Leaders in U.S., Europe and Japan
1. David Rockefeller
2. A. W. Clausen
3. William McChesney Martin
4. Henry Fowler
5. Yves Andre Istel
6. Michael David Weille
7. Leland S. Prussia
8. Frank X. Stankard
9. David Rockefeller, Takeshi Watanabe and Georges Berthoin
10. George Franklin - Part I
11. George Franklin - Part II
12. John Temple Swing
13. Winston Lord
14. William P. Bundy
15. Joseph E. Slater
16. Martin J. Hillenbrand
17. Joseph E. Johnson
18. William P. Bundy
19. George Ball
20. Ernest H. Vander Beugal
21. Richard Burke
22. Carter L. Burgess
23. Karl Kaiser
24. David Watt
25. Theodore C. Achilles
26. Francis O. Wilcox
27. Christoph Bertram
28. Dianne Hayter
29. John F. Reichard
30. Braulio Alonzo
31. Joseph Standa
32. John Ryor
33. Jim Cochran
34. World of David Rockefeller--Excerpts from Interview with Bill Moyers
Appendix 4 Central Banks of the World
Appendix 5 International Organizations
1. Membership of the U.N. and Its Specialized Agencies
Appendix 6 Charter of the United Nations
Appendix 7 U. S. Contributions to U.N. Organization--1994
Appendix 8 U. S. Government Securities Dealers
Appendix 9 Directors of International Institutions
1. Managing Directors of the IMF
3. Presidents of IBRD
4. Presidents of BIS
Appendix 10 Economic Summit Declarations
1. Chateau de Rambouillet, France
2. Puerto Rico
3. London, England
4. Bonn, Germany
5. Tokyo, Japan
6. Venice, Italy
7. Ottawa, Canada
8. Versailles, France
9. Williamsburg, VA, USA
10. London, England
11. Bonn, Germany
12. Tokyo, Japan
13. Venice, Italy
14. Toronto, Canada
15. Paris, France
16. Houston, TX, USA
17. London, England
18. Munich, Germany
19. Tokyo, Japan
20. Naples, Italy
21. Halifax, Nova Scotia
Appendix 11 Trilateral Commission Leadership and Membership
1. Trilateral Commission Leadership and Membership--October 15, 1978
2. Trilateral Commission Leadership and Membership--October 15, 1982
3. Trilateral Commission Leadership and Membership--1995
Appendix 12 The Bilderberg Meetings
1. John Pomain--The Origin of the Bilderberg Meetings
2. Dr. Jospeh H. Retinger--Bilderberg Meetings
3. Alden Hatch--The Hotel de Bilderberg
4. List of Bilderberg Meetings Throughout the World
5. Bilderberg Discussion Papers
6. Graham T. Allison--Young Americans' Attitudes Toward Foreign Policy
7. Karl Kaiser--Priorities in Foreign Policy
8. Alastair Buchan--Power Relationships in the Far East: A European View
9. George W. Ball--The New Situation in Europe and the Far East
10. Ernest H. van der Beugel and Max Kohnstamm--Western Europe and America in the Seventies
11. W. Michael Blumenthal--Economic Issues Between Industrialized Countries for the Seventies
12. Walter J. Levy--An Atlantic-Japanese Energy Policy
13. Lord Greenhill--Prospects for the Atlantic World
14. C. Fred Bergsten--Prospects for the Atlantic World: An American Perspective
15. Karl Kaiser--Prospects for the Atlantic World
16. J. Zijlstra--Inflation and Its Impact on Society
17. Michael Crozier--Non-Governability of Democracies: The European Case
18. Herbert Giersch--International Aspects of Inflation
19. John J. Deutsch--Inflation, 1950-1975: A Social and Political Perspective
20. Richard N. Cooper--Developed Country Reaction to Calls for a New International Economic Order
21. Lester C. Thurow--Problems in the Mixed Economy
22. Christoph Bertram--Defense, Security and the Western Alliance
23. Bilderberg Meetings--Notice to Participants
24. Bilderberg Meetings--List of Participants--1978
25. Bilderberg Meetings--List of Participants--Saltjoboden Conference--May 11-13, 1984
Appendix 13 Council on Foreign Relations
1. Officers and Directors--1994-1995
2. Summary Description
3. Council on Foreign Relations Committees
4. Membership
5. 75th Anniversary Capital Campaign
6. Statement of Revenues, Expenses and Changes in Fund Balances--Year Ended June 30, 1994
7. Historical Roster of Directors and Officers
8. Editors of Foreign Affairs
9. Corporate Member Roster
10. Membership Roster
Appendix 14 U. S. Government--Departments and Offices
1. Head of State
2. The Cabinet
3. Officials with Cabinet Rank
4. Government Departments
5. Executive Offices of the President
6. Independent Agencies
Appendix 15 U. S. Foreign Aid--1946-1994 by Country
Appendix 16 U. S. Contributions to GATT and OECD
Appendix 17 U. S. Cost of Involvement in Foreign Wars
Appendix 18 Membership of Executive Branch of U. S. Government: 1795--1995
1. Secretaries of Treasury
2. Secretaries of Commerce
3. Secretaries of Defense
4. National Security Agency Directors
5. Secretaries of State
6. Coordinators of Information and Directors of Strategic Services
7. Directors of Central Intelligence
Appendix 19 Treaties and Executive Agreements
1. Treaties and Other International Agreements concluded--1789-1989
2. Treaties and Other International Agreements concluded--1980-1992
3. Treaties and Other International Agreements concluded--1980-1994
Appendix 20 North Atlantic Treaty Organization
1. Text of Treaty
2. NATO: FACT Sheet
3. U. S. Financial Contributions to NATO
Appendix 21 U. S. Contributions to International Organizations--1945-1992
1. U. S. Contributions to the IMF
2. U. S. Contributions to IBRD
Appendix 22 U. S. Government Foreign Loans and Loan Guarantees: Managing Subsidies
Appendix 23 U. S. Financial Contributions to Inter-American Organizations--Fiscal Years 1946-1995
Appendix 24 U. S. Financial Contributions to Regional Organizations--Fiscal Years 1946-1995
Appendix 25 U. S. Financial Contributions to the U.N.--Fiscal Years 1946-1995
Appendix 26 U. S. State Department Budget
1. Department of State Budget--1781-1980
2. Department of State Budget--1962-1994
3. Foreign Affairs Spending and the State Department Budget
Appendix 27 Department of Defense
1. Department of War and Department of Navy Budget--1900-1909
2. Department of Defense Budget--1910-2001
Appendix 28 U. S. Exports and Imports
Appendix 29 U. S. Financial Contributions to the Marshall Program During World War II
1. The Marshall Plan: Design, Accomplishments and Relevance to the Present
2. Funds Made Available to ECA for European Economic Recovery
3. European Recovery Program Recipients--April 3, 1948 to June 30, 1952
4. Expenditures under the ERP by Type
5. The Sum of Its Parts--Evaluating the Marshall Plan
Appendix 30 U. S. Financial Contributions to Lend-Lease Program During World War II-- 1940-1954
Appendix 31 U. S. Government Receipts and Expenses--1789-1994
Appendix 32 U. S. Government Debt, 1790-1994
Appendix 33 Leading Donors for President George W. Bush's Presidential Election--1988
Appendix 34 Center for Strategic and International Studies
Appendix 35 Atlantic Council of the United States
1. Program on Regional European Issues
2. Program on Atlantic Cooperation
3. Program on NATO and European Security
4. Program on Atlantic-Pacific Interrelationships
5. Program on International Security
6. Harriman Chair for East-West Studies
7. Program on Energy and the Environment
8. Program on Nuclear Policy Issues
9. Atlantic Council Board of Directors
10. Atlantic Council Councillors
11. Atlantic Council Sponsors
Appendix 36 Business Roundtable
1. Policy Committee
2. Task Forces
3. Member Companies and Chief Executives
Appendix 37 Aspen Institute
1. Aspen Policy Programs
2. Policy Programs at Aspen Institute Berlin
3. Policy Programs at Aspen Institute Italia
4. Policy Programs at Institut Aspen France
5. Collaboration Within the Aspen Network
6. Disseminating the Conclusions of Aspen Policy Programs
7. The Aspen Campus
8. International Officers
Appendix 38 Carroll Quigley--Tragedy and Hope: A Review of Current Literature
1. Section I--Western Civilization to 1914
2. Section II--The Buffer Fringe
3. Section III--The Resurgence of Japan to 1918
4. Section IV--Finance, Commercial Policy and Business Activity--1897-1947
5. Section V--Changing Economic Patterns
6. Section VI--The Pluralist Economy and World Blocs
Appendix 39 Triangle Papers: A Review of Current Literature
1. Triangle Paper No. 1--Towards a Renovated World Monetary System--Excerpts
2. Triangle Paper No. 2--The Crisis of International Cooperation--Excerpts
3. Triangle Paper No. 3--A Turning Point in North-south Economic Relations--Excerpts
4. Triangle Paper No. 11--The Reform of International Institutions--Excerpts
5. Triangle Paper No. 12--The Problems of International Consultations--Excerpts
6. Triangle Paper No. 13--Collaboration with Communist Countries in Managing Global Problems: An Examination of the Options--Excerpts
7. Triangle Paper No. 14--Toward a Renovated International System--Excerpts
8. Triangle Paper No. 23--The Trilateral Countries in the International Economy of the 1980s--Excerpts
9. Triangle Paper No. 24--East-West Trade at a Crossroads--Excerpts
10. Triangle Papers No. 41--Global Cooperation after the Cold War: A Reassessment of Trilateralism--Excerpts
11. Triangle Paper No. 42--Regionalism in a Converging World--Excerpts
12. Triangle Paper No. 43--Keeping the Peace in the Post-Cold War Era: Strengthening Multilateral Peacekeeping--Excerpts
13. Triangle Paper No. 44--International Migration Challenges in a New Era--Excerpts
14. Triangle Paper No. 45--An Emerging China in a World of Interdependence--Excerpts
15. Triangle Paper No. 46--Engaging Russia--Excerpts
Appendix 40 Articles in Foreign Affairs
1. Theodore C. Sorensen--Why We Should Trade with the Soviets
2. Robert Triffen--The Thrust of History in International Monetary Reform
3. C. Fred Bergsten--Taking the Monetary Initiative
4. Henry Owen--Foreign Policy Premises for the Next Administration
5. Arvid Pardo--Who Will Control the Seabed?
6. Raymond Vernon--Economic Sovereignty at Bay
7. Francis M. Bator--The Political Economics of International Money
8. Richard N. Gardner--Can the United Nations Be Revived?
9. Raymond Vernon--The Multinational Enterprise: Power Versus Sovereignty
10. Charles W. Yost--The Instruments of American Foreign Policy
11. Zbigniew Brzezinski--Japan's Global Engagement
12. Kingman Brewster, Jr.--Reflection on Our National Purpose
13. William Diebold, Jr.--The Economic System at Stake
14. Escott Reid--McNamara's World Bank
15. Hamilton Fish Armstrong--1893-1973
16. Richard N. Gardner--The Hard Road to World Order
17. Isaiah Berlin--The Bent Twig: A Note on Nationalism
18. Kei Wakaizumi--Japan's Role in a New World Order
19. Joseph S. Nye, Jr.--Multinational Corporations in World Politics
20. Richard G. Darman--The Law of the Sea: Rethinking U. S. Interests
21. Harold R. Isaacs--Nationality: End of the Road?
22. Richard H. Ullman--Trilateralism: Partnership for What?
23. Recommended Reading in Foreign Affairs
Appendix 41 Tax Exempt Foundations--Reece Committee Reports
1. Reece Committee Final Report on Internationalism and the Effect of Foundation Power on Foreign Policy
2. Thomas M. McNiece--Reece Committee Staff Report on Relations Between Foundations and Government
3. Reece Committee Final Report on Relations Between Foundations and Education
4. Thomas M. McNiece--Reece Committee Staff Report
Appendix 42 European Community
1. Glossary of Terms Used by European Economic Community
2. European Community Information Service--The European Community: An Overview
3. Leo Tindemans--European Union
4. Carter S. Wiseman & Edward Behr--Roy Jenkins: The New Commission President
5. Roy Jenkins--The United States and a Uniting Europe
6. Stephen Milligan--European Monetary System--How It Works and Will It Work?
7. Jeremiah Novak--The Geopolitics of the Dollar
8. Robert Jackson--Prospects for Europe's Parliament
9. Garret Fitzgerald--Political Cooperation: Toward a Common EC Foreign Policy
10. Peter Blackburn--Getting Ready for Lome II
11. Carl H. Pegg--The European Idea On Trade Between the Wars
12. James Carter--The United States and Europe: The Future President's View
13. Boyd France--A Short Chronicle of the United States European Community Relations
14. A Brief Chronology of the European Community
Appendix B
Appendix 43 World Communism: A Critical Review
1. Michael L. Chadwick--The East-West Dilemma
2. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--The Third World War Has Ended
3. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--America, We Beg You to Interfere
4. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--Communism: A Legacy of Terror
-5. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--Henry Kissinger
-6. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--The Need for a Few Great Men
7. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--The Fate of the West: How Will It Avoid Falling into Totalitarism?
8. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--The West Has Lost Its Courage
9. Antony C. Sutton--Western Technology Builds Soviet Power
10. Miles Costick--The Dangers of Economic Detente
11. Miles Costick--The Soviet Military Power as a Function of Technology Transfer from the West
12. Miles Costick and Brian Green--The Arming of Red China
13. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn--Misconceptions about Russia Are a Threat to America
Appendix 44 Trilateralism: A Critical Review
1. Jeremiah Novak--New World Economic System Dawns
2. Jeremiah Novak--World Economic Changes Due to Trilateralism?
3. Jeremiah Novak--Trilateral Agony: The OECD Interfutures Report
4. Jeremiah Novak--North-South Dialogue: Background to the Paris Talks
5. Jeremiah Novak--The United States and World Order: An Inquiry into the Background of Trilateralism
6. Jeremiah Novak--Carter and the Giant Corporations
7. Jeremiah Novak--Trilateral Report Hints Foreign Policy Shift
8. Jeremiah Novak--Peking, Moscow and Washington: Collaboration with Communist Countries
9. Jeremiah Novak--Carter Team Plans International Financial Revolution
10. Jeremiah Novak--Trilateral Governance
11. Jeremiah Novak--Development of a Renovated International System
12. Jeremiah Novak--A New World Economic Order
13. Jeremiah Novak--The London Economic Summit
14. Jeremiah Novak--In Defense of the Third World
15. Jeremiah Novak--Trilateralism: A New World System
16. Jeremiah Novak--The Trilateral Connection
17. Jeremiah Novak--Trilateralism: A New Global Political Party
18. Jeremiah Novak--Beyond North and South: The Second Coming of the World Economy
Appendix 45 Fabian Socialism
1. Ludwig von Mises--Socialism: A Critical Review
2. Socialist International--Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism
3. Harry W. Laidler--Fabianism
4. Fabian Tract No. 1--Why Are the Many Poor?
5. Fabian Tract No. 2--A Manifesto
6. Fabian Tract No. 3--To Provident Landlords and Capitalists
7. Fabian Tract No. 4--What Socialism Is -- I
8. Fabian Tract No. 13--What Socialism Is -- II
9. Fabian Tract No. 51--Socialism: True and False
10. Fabian Tract No. 107--Socialism for Millionaires
11. Fabian Tract No. 113--Communism
12. Fabian Tract No. 132--A Guide to Books for Socialists
13. Fabian Tract No. 180--The Philosophy of Socialism
14. Executive Committee of the Fabian Society 1978-79
15. Rules and By-Laws of the Fabian Society
Appendix 46 The Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies
1. Joseph E. Slater--The President's Letter on Governance
2. Stephen P. Strickland--Aspen Institute on Financing the Future
3. Directors of Aspen Institute--Proposals for President Carter's Agenda
4. Francis Keppel--Education for a Changing Society
5. Harlan Cleveland and Charles W. Yost--International Affairs
6. Waldemar Nielsen--Pluralism and the Commonwealth
7. Robert McKay--Justice, Society and the Individual
8. Walter O. Roberts--Science, Technology and Humanism
9. Abraham M. Sirkin--Living with Interdependence: The Decades Ahead in America
10. Ward Morehouse--A New Civic Literacy
11. Communism Report--Coping with Interdependence
12. Commission Report--Organizing for Interdependence: The Role of Government
Appendix 47 International Banking
1. Newsweek--Investment Bankers: The Men
2. T. A. Wise--Lazard: In Trinity There Is Strength
3. C. M. van Vlierden--Global Banking Services for the Oil Industry
4. C. M. van Vlierden--New Era for International Banking and Finance
5. Robert Ball--International Banking Gets the Team Spirit
6. Michael C. Jensen--The Lazard Freres Style: Secretive and Rich--Its Power Is Felt
7. Business Week--The Inside Story of Lazard Freres' Merger and Acquisition Star: The Remarkable Felix G. Rohatyn
8. Wright Patman--Other People's Money
9. C. M. van Vlierden--Perspectives on the Changing World Business Environment
10. Peter Landau--Will SDR's Become the New Super Currency?
11. C. M. van Vlierden--The Organization of International Banking Operations
12. A. W. Clausen--Multinational Corporations: Potent Change Agents in the World
13. John Dornberg--Financing the Communist Countries
14. G. A. Constanzo--Lending to the Developing World
15. A. W. Clausen--The Transnational Citizen: A Broadening Perspective
16. David Rockefeller--World Economic Trends and U. S.-Soviet Trade
17. Francis X. Stankard--Banking on the Global Economy
18. Annual Report--The Global Reach of J. P. Morgan & Co.
19. Joseph Gold--The Second Amendment of the Fund's Articles of Agreement
20. J. J. Polak--Thoughts on an International Monetary Fund Based Fully on the SDR
21. Jeremiah Novak--The Geopolitics of the Dollar
22. A. W. Clausen--Future Economic Trends and Their Effect Upon Banking and Other financial Services
23. Jeremiah Novak--Crisis in International Banking
Appendix 48 Institutes of International Affairs
1. The Atlantic Institute for International Affairs
2. Historical Summary--The Atlantic Institute
3. The Atlantic Council of the U. S.--1976
4. The Royal Institute of International Affairs
5. Stephen King Hall--Chatham House: A Brief Account of the Origins, Purposes and Methods of the Royal Institute of International Affairs
6. The Observer--An Institute of Foreign Affairs
7. The Times--The Institute to Be a Powerful Factor in Alerting Public Opinion
8. The Yorkshire Post--Tribute of Foreign Affairs
9. The Morning Post--A Neglected Study
10. The Saturday Review--The British Institute of International Affairs
11. Royal Institute--The British Institute of International Affairs
12. International Institute--The International Institute for Strategic Studies
13. International Institute--The First Five Years of the Institute for Strategic Studies
14. International Institute--The International Institute for Strategic Studies (1957-1972)
15. Institute of International Affairs--The Institute of International Affairs (Instito Affari Internazionali)
16. Institute of International Affairs--The Organs and Staff of the Institute of International Affairs (1977)
17. German Society--The German Society for Foreign Affairs and Its Research Center (Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Auswartige Politik)
18. Brookings Institution--The Brookings Institute
Appendix 49 The Trilateral Commission
1. Zbigniew Brzezinski--Trilateral Relations in a Global Context
2. Trilateral Commission--Major Institutional Reform Ahead
3. Kinhide Mushakoji--Reform of International Institutions
4. Harold Brown--New Leadership Needed for Transition to the World of the Year 2000
5. Henry Owen--The Summit Process
6. Time--Carter's Brain Trust
7. Robert C. Christopher--The World's New Cold War
8. Lawrence Stern--Carter Taps Establishment for Brain Trust
Appendix 50 Secular Humanism: A Critical Review
1. John W. Whitehead and John Colon--The Establishment of the Religion of Secular Humanism and Its First Amendment Implications
2. Rousas John Rushdoony--The Attack on Religious Liberty
3. M. J. Sobran--The Established Irreligion
4. William L. Johnson--Evolution, The Past, Present and Future Implications
Appendix C
Appendix 51 Council on Foreign Relations
1. Council on Foreign Relations--Annual Report 1993-94
2. Council on Foreign Relations--The Council on Foreign Relations: A Summary Report
3. Winston Lord--The President's Report 1978-79
4. Council on Foreign Relations--The 1980s Project: A General Description
5. Richard Ullman--The 1980s Project
6. Council on Foreign Relations--1980s Project: Books
7. Whitney H. Shepardson--Early History of the Council, on Foreign Relations
8. John W. Davis--The Council on Foreign Relations: A Record of Twenty-Five Years 1921-1946
9. Joseph Kraft--School for Statesmen
10. Richard H. Rovere--Notes on the Establishment in America
11. Arnold Beichman--Council on Foreign Relations
12. Flora Lewis--Examining an Establishment Member
13. Richard H. Rovere--The American Establishment
14. Carroll Quigley--Cecil Rhodes' Secret Society
15. John Franklin Campbell--The Death Rattle of the Eastern Establishment
16. J. Anthony Lukas--The Council on Foreign Relations
17. Elizabeth Jakab--The Council on Foreign Relations
18. Council on Foreign Relations: Council on Foreign Relations Publications--1978-1980
19. Council on Foreign Relations--Foreign Affairs--An American Quarterly Review: A List of Articles Published 1922-1979
Appendix 52 Secular Humanism
1. Humanist Manifesto--1933
2. Humanist Manifesto II--1973
3. Corliss Lamont--The Humanist: the Meaning of Humanism
4. Lloyd Morain and Oliver Reiser--Scientific Humanism: A Formulation
5. Carl Becker--Four Forms of Collectivism
6. Corliss Lamont--The Cultural Roots of Humanism
7. Corliss Lamont--The Humanist Tradition: Forerunners
8. Julian Huxley--Evolutionary Humanism as a World Unifying Philosophy
9. Edward W. Strong--John Dewey's Humanism: Man Making Himself--Part I
10. Edward W. Strong--John Dewey's Humanism: Man Making Himself--Part II
11. Warren Allen Smith--Authors and Humanism
12. Edwin H. Wilson--Humanism: The Fourth Faith
13. Julian Huxley--Evolutionary Humanism--Part I
14. Julian Huxley--Evolutionary Humanism--Part II
15. Henry Walter Brann--Hegel, Nietzsche and the Nazi Lesson--Part I
16. Henry Walter Brann--Hegel, Nietzsche and the Nazi Lesson--Part II
17. The Humanist--John Dewey: Humanist and Educator
18. George Gaylord Simpson--Darwin Led Us into this Modern World
19. Corliss Lamont--John Dewey and the American Humanist Association
20. Julian Huxley--The Coming New Religion of Humanism
21. Edwin H. Wilson--The Religions Element in Humanism Pervades: Its Origin, Inspiration and Support
22. Erich Fromm--A Global Philosophy of Man
23. Gerald A. Ehrenreich--Humanist of the Year--1966: Erich Fromm
Appendix 53 Articles About Global Governance
1. George W. Alger--Miss Tarbell's History of the Standard Oil Company
2. William L. Letwin--The English Common Law Concerning Monopolies
3. Peter C. Dooley--The Interlocking Directorate
4. Gus Tyler--Multinationals: A Global Menace
5. Howard V. Perlmutter--A View of the Future--The Multinational Corporation: Decade One of the Emerging Global Industrial System
6. UNESCO--Concentration in the Communications Industry
Appendix 54 Bank for International Settlements
1. Roger Auboin--The Bank for International Settlements--1930-1955
Appendix 55 An Act to Issue U. S. Notes
Appendix 56 Articles About Central Banking
1. J. Z. Rowe--European Central Banking in Early America
2. A. Jerome Clifford--The Ownership of the Federal Reserve Bank Stock as an Issue of Independence
3. A. Jerome Clifford--The Case for Congressional Control of the Federal Reserve
4. A. Jerome Clifford--Congressional Means for Control of the Federal Reserve System
5. M. H. DeKock--Central Banking
6. M. H. DeKock--Constitution and Administration of Central Banks
7. David A. Martin--Metallism, Small Notes, and Jackson's War with the Bank of the U. S.
8. Robert Craig West--The Influence of Paul Warburg
9. Donald F. Kettl--The Struggle for Independence of the Fed from the U.S. Treasury
Appendix 57 International Organizations Memberships in the IMF, IBRD and WTO
1. World Trade Organization Members
2. World Trade Organization Observer Governments
3. World Bank Members
4. IMF Members
Appendix 58 Budget of the U. S. Government--1994
Appendix 59 OECD--From Marshall Plan to Global Interdependence
Appendix 60 Alexander Hamilton's Report on Manufacturers
Appendix 61 Bank of the United States: A Critical Review
1. Thomas Jefferson--Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bill for Establishing a National Bank
2. James Madison--Notes on Banks
3. Andrew Jackson--Veto Message
Appendix 62 Governing Documents of America
1. The Declaration of Independence
2. U. S. Constitution
3. Bill of Rights and Amendments to the Constitution
4. George Washington's Farewell Address
5. Monroe Doctrine
Appendix 63 Treaty Law Manual
Appendix 64 Lawrence B. Krause--Sequel to Bretton Woods: A Proposal to Reform the World Monetary System
Appendix 65 Miriam Camps--Collective Management
Appendix 66 Miriam Camps--The Management of Interdependence: A Preliminary Review
Appendix 67 Lincoln P. Bloomfield and Irrangi C. Bloomfield--The U. S. Interdependence and World Order
Appendix 68 Miriam Camps--First World Relationships: The Role of the OECD
Appendix 69 Atlantic Council--Beyond Diplomacy: Decision-Making in an Interdependent World
Appendix 70 Richard A. Falk--Future World
Appendix D
Appendix 71 Marina v. N. Whitman--International Interdependence and the U. S. Economy
Appendix 72 Marina v. N. Whitman--Coordination and Management of the International Economy: A Search for Organizing Principles
Appendix 73 Atlantic Council of U. S.--Harmonizing Economic Policy: Summit Meetings and Collective Leadership
Appendix 74 Lester R. Brown--The Interdependence of Nations
Only One Earth
Economic Interdependence
Ecological Interdependence
Resource Interdependence
Technological Interdependence
Social Interdependence
Toward a Global Community
Appendix 75 American Tariff League--A Brief Tariff History of the United States
Appendix 76 Bill Montague--U. S. Economy Hangs on Japan
Appendix 77 Akio Morita--Toward a New World Economic Order
Appendix 78 Joseph S. Nye, Jr.--Multinational Corporations in World Politics
Appendix 79 Recommended Reading List
Appendix 80 Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. House of Representatives--Index to the U. S. Constitution and Amendments
Appendix 81 Speeches in Favor of Global Governance
1. Woodrow Wilson--Declaration of War
2. Colonel Edward M. House--The United States, the League of Nations and World Peace
3. Carter Glass--The Integrity of a U. S. President
4. Charles G. Fenwick--The Future of the League of Nations
5. Franklin D. Roosevelt--Reorganization of Federal Government Administration
6. Franklin D. Roosevelt--Reorganization of Federal Judiciary
7. Homer S. Cummings--Reasons for President's Plan and the Remedy
8. Franklin D. Roosevelt--The Constitution: Lawyer's Contract?
9. Nicholas Murray Butler--The United States Must Lead
10. Franklin D. Roosevelt--The New Deal Must Continue
11. Nicholas Murray Butler--Toward a Federal World
12. Franklin D. Roosevelt--This Nation Will Remain Neutral
13. P. J. Noel Baker--Toward a New World Order
14. Franklin D. Roosevelt--Declaration of War
15. Franklin D. Roosevelt--The State of the Union
16. Nicholas Murray Butler--There Can Be No Isolation
17. Dorothy Thompson--The Future World Order
18. Cordell Hull--The Seriousness of the War
19. Amos J. Peaslee--A Permanent United Nations
20. A. A. Berle, Jr.--The Realist Base of American Foreign Policy
21. Harold E. Stassen--World Affairs
22. Amos J. Peaslee--Future Fundamentals
23. Sumner Wells--Safeguarding Our Interests
24. Franklin D. Roosevelt--Another Link in the Chain
25. Cordell Hull--Moscow Pact a Basis for World Organization
26. Frank G. Tyrrell--Sovereignty Not Impaired by World Federation
27. F. H. LaGuardia--Interpreting the Atlantic Charter
28. Frederick R. Coudert--The Role of the Lawyer in Future World Organization
29. Amos J. Peaslee--An International Judicial System
30. Dean Acheson--The Interest of the American Businessman in International Trade
31. Charles W. Tobey--Plan for World Cooperation and World Peace
32. Amos J. Peaslee--How Much International Government Do We Want?
33. Franklin D. Roosevelt--The Bretton Woods Proposals
34. Franklin D. Roosevelt--The Crimea Conference
35. Franklin D. Roosevelt--Good Start Toward Lasting Peace
36. Edward R. Stettinius--Invitations to United Nations Conference
37. Harold E. Stassen--San Francisco--The Golden Gate to Pace
38. Frank G. Tyrrell--International Police Power
39. Frederick R. Coudert--Force, Justice and Law
40. Philip C. Nash--Spring Leaves on Dumbarton Oaks
41. Herbert Hoover--The San Francisco Conference and Peace
42. Tom Connally--United Nations Charter
43. Arthur H. Vandenberg--United Nations Charter
44. Harry S. Truman--Objectives of the Charter
45. Edward R. Stenninius--The United Nations Charter
46. James F. Byrnes--Neighboring Nations in One World
47. James F. Byrnes--Common Interest For Outweighing Conflicting Interests
48. C. Wayland Brooks--Proposed Loan to Great Britain
49. Fred M. Vinson--British Loan Agreement
50. Harry S. Truman--A Year of Decision
51. James F. Byrnes--International Trade Organization
52. Harold W. Dodds--Woodrow Wilson
53. J. William Fulbright--The Outlook for Peace
54. Harry S. Truman--UNO Charter Based on Religious Principle
55. Trygve Lie--International Solidarity and Collaboration
56. Harry S. Truman--United States Will Support the United Nations
57. William E. Knox--The Foreign Trade Myth
58. William Benton--My World--My Human Race
59. Arthur H. Vandenberg--Our Mutual Problem with the World
60. Harry S. Truman--Foreign Economic Policy
61. Warren R. Austin--United States Aid to Greece and Turkey
62. Harry S. Truman--World Unity
63. Harry S. Truman--Permanent World Peace
64. Harold E. Stassen--Marshall Plan, Europe's Only Alternative to Communism
65. Jaime Torres Bodet--Consolidate the United Nations
66. James Forrestal--Strength Alone Averts War
67. Thomas E. Dewey--Aid Program Vital
68. Bernard M. Baruch--Woodrow Wilson's Claim to Greatness
69. George C. Marshall--European Recovery and Peace Treaties
70. Arthur H. Vandenberg--Emergency Aid for Europe
71. Walter Lippmann--Philosophy and United States Foreign Policy
72. Harry S. Truman--Marshall Plan Proposals
73. Harold E. Stassen--United Nations Charter Revision
74. George C. Marshall--The European Recovery Program
75. Clement Attlee--Europe Must Have a Planned Economy
76. Eric Johnston--Partners for Peace
77. William L. Clayton--The Proposed International Trade Organization
78. Wesley A. Sturges--The Quest for World Law and Order
79. Winthrop G. Brown--Reciprocal Trade Agreements
80. George C. Marshall--Strengthen the United Nations
81. Winston Churchill--The Voice of Europe
82. Elvin H. Killheffer--International Trade Organization
83. Trygve Lie--A United Nations Guard Force
84. Ernest Bevin--United Nations' Problems
85. George F. Kennan--United States and the United Nations
86. Alben W. Barkley--Politics and Trade
87. John Moseley--Training for Citizenship in a World That Is To Be
88. Dean Acheson--The Atlantic Pact
89. Herbert V. Evatt--Worldwide Security Found Only in Worldwide Organizations
90. Omar N. Bradley--Military Security Significance of Atlantic Pact
91. Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.--Military Aid to Western Europe
92. Harry S. Truman--National Health Insurance Program
93. Dean Acheson--Economic Policy and the ITO Charter
94. Harry S. Truman--International Economic Policy
95. Crawford H. Greenewalt--Bigness and Monopoly
96. Walter Cenerazzo--Practical Internationalism
97. Winthrop G. Brown--Why Private Business Should Support the ITO
98. Millard E. Tydings--World Disarmament
99. Alberto Lleras--The Organization of American States
100. Herbert Hoover--World Peace and the United States
101. Paul H. Douglas--The Welfare State
102. Omar N. Bradley--A New Power Is Born
103. Dean Acheson--Soviet Barriers to Peace
104. Thomas E. Dewey--Enlarge North Atlantic Treaty
105. Ralph J. Bunche--Prospects for Peace
106. Anthony Eden--The Interdependence of Nations
107. Lord Halifax--Unbreakable Association of United States and Commonwealth
108. Robert E. Wilson--Is Big Business Bad?--Fact v. Fiction
109. Harry S. Truman--Appeal for Foreign Aid
110. Walter Hallstein--The Schuman Plan and the Integration of Europe
111. James I. Dolliver--The Electoral College
112. Paul A. Dever--The Record of the Last Twenty Years
113. Dean Acheson--United Nations Must Face the Issues
114. Karl Brandt--The Unification of Europe
115. Ole Bjorn Kraft--The Development of the Atlantic Community
116. Winthrop W. Aldrich--The Basis for a New Foreign Economic Policy
117. Richard Glenn Gettell--Nudging the Inevitable
118. John Foster Dulles--United Nations Charter Needs Revision
119. Henry Ford, II--The Free World Can't Trade on a One-Way Street
120. Henrik Kauffmann--The United Nations and Your and Me
121. Henry Ford--II--United Nations Not a Superstate
122. H. Alexander Smith--Treaty Amendment Not Necessary
123. Stuart Chevalier--Goals of the United Nations
124. Charles P. Taft--Trade Agreements Should Be Extended
125. Allan Sproul--Reflections of a Central Banker
126. Robert N. Wilkin--The United Nations--10 Years Old
127. Albert C. Wedemeyer-- World War II Strategy
128. James P. Warburg--Foreign Aid and United States Policy
129. Mark J. Fitzgerald--The International Labor Organization
130. Allen W. Dulles--Woodrow Wilson
131. John J. Sparkman--Foreign Aid Spending
132. Carlos Sanz De Santa Maria--A United Future for the Americas
133. Robert Delson--Internationalization of Foreign Aid
134. David Rockefeller--Gold, the Dollar, and the Free World
135. Pedro G. Beltram-- A Family of Nations
136. Albert I. Nickerson--The Role of International Oil Companies
137. M. Ann Joachim--The World Court
138. Geroge Champion--Foreign Aid
139. H. R. H. Prince Bernhard--The Developing Nations of the World
140. David Rockefeller--New Trends in the Financial Markets
141. Lynn A. Townsend-- A Common Market for North America
142. Harlan Cleveland--The Political Year of the Quiet Sun
143. Craig Raupe--The Success of Foreign Aid
144. Robert T. Oliver--Education in the Year 2,000 A.D.
145. Edward Lamb--The United Community of North America
146. George W. Ball--Cosmocorp: the Importance of Being Stateless
147. David Rockefeller--International Financial Challenges
148. Robert S. McNamara--Foreign Aid
149. Philip H. Trezise--Multinational Corporation
150. William S. Gaud--Overseas Private Investment in Today's World
151. Donald C. Platten--A New Monetary System for the 1980s
152. Athur F. Burns--International Monetary Reform
153. Irving S. Shapiro--One-World Economics
154. Carl H. Madden--The Multinational Corporation
155. Walter B. Wriston--The World Corporation
156. C. M. van Vlierden--Prospectives on the Changing World Business Environment
157. Henry A. Kissinger--The Challenge of Interdependence
158. Weldon B. Gibson--A New International Order
159. A. W. Clausen--Multinational Corporations--Potent Change Agents in the World
160. George W. Ball--Capital Formation in a One-World Economy
161. David Rockefeller--World Economic Trends and U. S.-Soviet Trade
162. A. W. Clausen--The Transnational Citizen--A Broadening Perspective
163. David Rockefeller--America's Future
164. Andrew R. Cecil--Enlightened Capitalism
165. Lawrence B. Krause--The Pacific Economy in an Interdependent World
166. G. William Miller--The International Financial Institutions
167. Otto Graflambsdorff--Trade Policy Challenges of Today
168. Robert E. Kirby--On to the 21st Century
169. Arthur Burck--Banking Will Be Dominated by a Handful of Giants
170. Harlan Cleveland--The Future of International Governance
171. John C. Whitehead--Towards a Stronger International Economy
172. Takashi Uyeno--Japan's Role in the Changing World Order
173. Carl Spielvogel--The Americas
174. Roger B. Porter--United States Investment Policy
175. Boris D. Pankin--The Dangers of Nationalism
176. Felix G. Rohatyn--The U. S. Must Remain the Preeminent Superpower in the World
177. C. G. Kelly Holthers--Potential Banking Opportunities
178. Joseph L. Brand--The New World Order
179. Stephen D. Harlan--Becoming a Global Thinker
180. Gerald M. Levin--Publishing in the Global Village
181. Robert F. Keeley--Glonat
182. Michel Camdessus--The International Monetary Fund
183. Edwin J. Feulner--A New Conservative Internationalist Foreign Policy
Appendix E
Appendix 82 Speeches Opposed to Global Governance
1. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge--The Treaty-Making Powers of the Senate
2. Albert A. Doub--Election of United States Senators
3. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Slavery Is Banned in America
4. Congressman Charles A. Lindbergh--The Federal Reserve Act
5. Congressman Towner--Wall Street Control of the Federal Reserve System
6. Congressman Stephens--The Stature of the Money Power
7. Senator William E. Borah--The Establishment of a Central Bank in America
8. Congressman Charles A. Lindbergh--The Federal Reserve System Is a Gift to the Money Trust
9. Congressman Bradegee--The Crisis in Constitutionalism
10. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge--The League of Nations: Abandonment of the Principles of George Washington
11. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--A Government of Limited Powers
12. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--The Principles of the U. S. Constitution
13. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--The Matchless Wisdom of Abraham Lincoln
14. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--The Federal Reserve System and the Bank for International Settlements
15. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Bank for International Settlements
16. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--International Finance
17. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Basis of Controls of Economic Conditions
18. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--International Politics and Finance As They Affect the Federal Reserve System
19. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Why Not an American Policy
20. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--America's Interest in the Bank for International Settlements
21. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Financial Foreign Entanglements
22. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Present National and International Banking Situation
23. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--War Debts and Reparations, I
24. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--War Debts and Reparations II
25. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--War Debts and Reparations III
26. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--War Debts and Reparations IV
27. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--War Debts and Reparations V
28. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Reparations, Bonds and Foreign Securities
29. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--The Treacherous and Disloyal Conduct of the Federal Reserve Board and the Federal Reserve Banks
30. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--We Will fight It Out Until Every Dollar Stolen from the American People Is Repaid with Compound Interest to the United States
31. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Resolution to Impeach the Federal Reserve Board
32. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Taxes
33. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Financial Interest Should Not Dictate Policy of the United States
34. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Franklin D. Roosevelt, Apostle of Irredeemable Paper Money
35. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Public Interest Must Not Be Suppressed by Partisanship and an Abandoned Constitution
36. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Bankhead Cotton Control Bill
37. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Present Day Government
38. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Freedom and Planning
39. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Analysis of Freedom and Planning
40. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--Communistic Propaganda in the U. S.
41. Congressman Louis T. McFadden--The Constitution or Its Disapproval
42. Congressman Francis H. Shoemaker--The Federal Reserve Bank: The Greatest Steal in American History
43. James M. Beck--Shall We Abandon Ship?
44. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--The Principles of George Washington
45. George W. Maxey--The Re-Making of Human Society
46. Herbert Hoover--The American Bill of Rights
47. Senator William E. Borah--Our Foreign Policy
48. Henry W. Taft--James Madison and the Obligations of Citizenship under the Constitution
49. Herbert Hoover--Criticism of the New Deal
50. George W. Maxey--The Constitution: Guarantee of Human Rights and Economic Liberalism
51. James A. Reed--False Banners
52. George W. Maxey--What America Must Decide
53. William J. Donovan--The Case Against the New Deal
54. Charles C. Tansill--The American Doctrine of Judicial Review
55. Herbert Hoover--A Holy Crusade for Liberty
56. Arthur A. Ballantine--Erosion by Government Finance
57. Whose Constitution? The Peoples' or the President's--George W. Maxey
58. The Future of Free Enterprise--Samuel B. Pettengill
59. Senator William E. Borah--Our Supreme Judicial Tribune: Proposed Changes and the People
60. Josiah W. Bailey--The Supreme Court, the Constitution and the People
61. George R. Farnum--Storm Over the Supreme Court
62. James Trusloaw Adams--What the Supreme Court Does for U. S.
63. Alf M. Landon--Mr. Roosevelt Is a Changed Man
64. The Problem in 1787 and How It Was Met--George W. Maxey
65. Constitutional Government--Senator William E. Borah
66. How Long Will the American Republic Last?--Senator Edward R. Burke
67. Religious Liberty--Judge John P. McGoorty
68. Brigadier General Bruce P. Disque--Our inheritance from Washington: May His Spirit Guide Our Destiny
69. Senator William E. Borah--Our Imperative Task: To Mind Our Own Business
70. Walter E. Spahr--A Government Creed for Americans
71. O. R. McGuire--The Executive Power in the Federal Government
72. Herbert Hoover--It Is In Our Blood: Political, Intellectual and Spiritual Freedom
73. George W. Maxey--The Descent to a Dictatorship
74. Herbert Hoover--Morals in Government: The Yearning for Freedom Is Not Dead
75. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Constitutional Government--Our Birthright Threatened
76. James D. Mooney--Paper Money: A National and Industrial Hazard
77. Senator Robert A. Taft--Let Us Stay Out of War
78. Senator Millard E. Tydings--How Far Should Government Control Business: No Constitutional Power to Control
79. Mark Eisner--The George Washington Tradition: Its Great Value Today
80. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--America--"A Land Choice Above All Other Lands"
81. Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg--Peace or War for America: It Is Not Cowardice to Think of America First
82. Governor John A. Bricker--The New Patriotism
83. Senator David L. Walsh--Keep America Out of War
84. H. W. Prentis, Jr.--Our American Heritage: Revive Patriotism and Religious Faith
85. Congressman Joseph W. Martin--Let Us Now Go Forward: Every Economic Hallucination Has Been Tried
86. Herbert Hoover--Compulsory Cooperation Is Slavery
87. George A. Dondero--Our Form of Government: A Republic
88. Major General J. G. Harbard--The Relative Position of the Individual Under Democratic and Totalitarian States
89. Congressman Joseph W. Martin, Jr.--The Heart and Spirit of America: The Inspirations of Freedom
90. Senator William E. Borah--Retain the Arms Embargo: It Keeps Us Out of the War
91. C. M. Chester--Industry's Stand Against War
92. Senator George W. Norris--American Neutrality: Let Us Keep the Dollar Sign Off the American Flag
93. Senator Robert A. LaFollette, Jr.--The Neutrality Issue
94. J. Steele Glow--War--Its Economic Impact on the United States: The Path to Destruction and Bankruptcy
95. Walter E. Spahr--The Relation of Government to Business
96. Congressman Martin Dies--Insidious Wiles of Foreign Influence: Have We Forgotten Washington's Advice?
97. Merwin K. Hart--Are There Subversive Activities in Our Schools?
98. Benjamin M. Anderson--Government Economic Planning
99. Thomas S. Gates--The Strength of the Creeds of Our Fathers
100. John Hamilton--Liberalism: It Has Become Popular Catchword
101. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Lincoln: The Man of Inspired Leadership
102. Congressman Bruce Barton--The Faith of Abraham Lincoln
103. Merwin K. Hart--Did You Say Democracy?
104. Robert R. McCormick--Our Republic Is at Stake
105. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Why I Am an American
106. Harry Emerson Fosdick--The Crisis Confronting the Nation
107. Senator Burton K. Wheeler--Marching Down the Road to War
108. Robert Gordon Sproul--Character: The First Line of Defense
109. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Federal Regulation of Insurance
110. George Barton Cutten--Your Freedoms at Stake
111. Congressman James E. Van Zandt--Keep America Out of War
112. General Robert E. Wood--Our Foreign Policy: The Course We Are Pursuing Leads to War
113. O. R. McGuire--Political Ideologies in This Changing World
114. Senator Rush D. Holt--The American People Want Peace
115. H. W. Prentis, Jr.--The Citadels of National Defense
116. J. Howard Pew--Preserving the Private Enterprise System
117. Senator Burton S. Wheeler--America's Present Emergency
118. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Lincoln and the Civil War
119. George F. Barrett--The Future of Our States and Cities in Our Governmental Structure
120. O. R. McGuire--The Third American Revolution
121. H. W. Prentis, Jr.--Preserving the Roots of Liberty
122. Robert I. Gannon--Lincoln
123. Daniel L. Marsh--The American Canon
124. Governor Frank M. Dixon--Federal-State Relationship: The Dangers of Centralization in Government
125. Harley L. Lutz--Can Local Government Survive?
126. Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney--The Declining Power of the States
127. Governor Frank M. Dixon--Crossroads Democracy: Concentration of Powers is Dangerous
128. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Some Factors of a Now Planned Post-War Government and Economic Pattern
129. Senator Jospeh C. O'Mahoney--Preserving the Constitutional Authority of the U. S. Senate
130. Senator Robert A. Taft--International Commitments Violate U. S. Sovereignty
131. Senator Francis Maloney--Regaining Congressional Power Over Trade Issues
132. Senator Harry F. Byrd--Economy in Government
133. Francis Biddle--Cartels
134. William LaVarre--Government Control of Foreign Commerce
135. Congressman Jerry Boorhis--Oil Workers Go on Record for Constitutional Monetary System
136. Congressman William A. Pittenger--The Relation of the Federal Government to Sovereignty
137. Senator Kenneth S. Wherry--What About Our American Economy?
138. Congressman E. E. Cox--How Can Business Help Preserve Constitutional Government and Free Enterprise?
139. Senator Dennis Chavez--The Importance of Maintaining the Integrity of the U. S. Constitution
140. Congressman Louis Ludlaw--The Proposed Treaty Ratification Change Violates Integrity of the Origin and Document
141. Harry V. Dougherty--The Lord Chord: Government Is the Servant: Not the Master
142. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--The World Crisis Today
143. Governor William M. Tuck--Improvement and Preservation of State and Local Self-Government
144. Lindsey C. Warren--States Must Assert Leadership
145. O. R. McGuire--Erosion of Constitutional Landmarks
146. Howard W. Jackson--Our Constitution: Our rights and Our Responsibility as Citizens
147. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Inroads upon the Constitution by the Roman Law
148. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--American Free Enterprise
149. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Slipping from Our Old Moorings
150. William J. Walker--The Taft-Hartley Law
151. Harry S. Truman--Tyranny vs. Freedom
152. Frank P. Holman--Our American Heritage
153. O. R. McGuire--Structure and Substance of Constitutional Government Endangered
154. Frank E. Holman--An International Bill of Rights: Proposal Has Dangerous Implication for U. S.
155. Walter E. Spahr--The March into the Death Valley of Socialism
156. Collectivism and the Modern Lawyer--Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney
157. Philip Cortney--International Trade Organization Charter: A Dishonest Document
158. Senator George W. Malone--The North Atlantic Treaty
159. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--The North Atlantic Treaty
160. Emerson P. Schmidt--Socialism--The American Pattern
161. Emerson P. Schmidt--Distance Traveled Along the Road to Statism
162. Senator George W. Malone--American Workers vs. Free Trade
163. Thurman Sensing--Is It Too Late to Save America
164. George A. Finch--Genocide Convention Does Not Prohibit Mass Killing of People by Governments
165. The Ageless Lincoln--Robert L. Kincaid
166. The American Way--Otto E. Koegel
167. Clarence Manion--The Lust for Power
168. Senator Herbert R. O'Conor--Stop Asking Washington to Do It
169. Arthur Mieghen--The Welfare State
170. William H. Fitzpatrick--Government by Treaty
171. Frank E. Holman--Treaty Law-making: A Blank Check for Writing a New Constitution
172. Congressman Noah M. Mason--Uncle Sam, Inc.
173. H. W. Prentis, Jr.--The Price of Freedom
174. General Douglas McArthur--The Battle to Save the Republic
175. Congressman John T. Wood--The Story of the United Nations: Duplicity and Intrigue
176. Congressman John T. Wood--Report to the American People on UNESCO
177. W. C. Mullendore--The American Retreat from Freedom
178. Ruth Alexander--What Price the Welfare State?
179. Fred G. Clark--Not by Bread Alone
180. F. A. Harper--What to Do about Preserving the Free Market
181. Wheeler McMillen--The Federals Are Coming
182. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Our Dwindling Sovereignty
183. Donald J. Cowling--What Did Our Forefathers Try to Accomplish?
184. Senator Capehart--International Schemes of the 20th Century
185. Senator George W. Malone--Postpone Ratification of Japanese Treaty
186. Congressman Shafer--Is There a Subversive Movement in the Public Schools?
187. O. R. McGuire--The American Way of Life and the U.N.
188. Frank E. Holman--The Constitution and the U. N.
189. General Douglas MacArthur--America Now Stands at a Crossroads
190. General Douglas MacArthur--American Tradition
191. W. M. Cornelius--Corporations Do Not Pay Taxes
192. Senator John W. Bricker--America's Greatest Danger: Domestic Legislation by Treaty
193. Senator William F. Knowland--The Survival of Our Nation
194. J. J. McLarney--The Context of Freedom
195. General Douglas MacArthur--Misdirection of Domestic and Foreign Policies
196. William H. Fitzpatrick--Government by Treaties
197. Congressman Usher L. Burdick--Should the U.S.A. Continue to Support the U.N.
198. Congressman John T. Wood--Should the U.S.A. Continue to Support the U.N.
199. Myra C. Hacker--Opposition to Global Governance
200. Mrs. James B. Patton--The Danger of World Government
201. John B. Trevor--Opposition to World Government
202. Congressman Lawrence H. Smith--Should the U.S.A. Support a Federal Union of All Nations?
203. Congressman William E. Jenner--Should the U.S. Supports Federal Union of Atlantic Pact Nations
204. Senator George W. Malone--International Organizations Will Destroy U. S. Sovereignty
205. Senator Robert A. Taft--Restore Government Based on American Principles
206. Walter E. Spahr--Our Currency Should Be Redeemable in Gold
207. Senator Pat McCarren--The Communist World Conspiracy
208. Senator John W. Bricker--Should the U.S. Constitution Be Amended to Curb the Use of the Treaty Power?
209. Senator Pat McCarren--The Torch of Freedom
210. Mrs. James B. Patton--The Surrender of National Sovereignty
211. George A. Finch--Limiting the Treaty-Making Power of the Executive Department
212. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Let Us Not Sell Our Children into Slavery
213. Thomas H. Kuchel--Let Our Constitution Be Supreme
214. Carl F. H. Henry--Christianity and the American Heritage
215. Frank E. Holman--The Greatest Threat to Our American Heritage: John W. Bricker Amendment Will Protect Our Bill of Rights
216. Senator William F. Knowland--High Noon for United Nations
217. Frank E. Holman--Let's Stop Giving America Away
218. Clarence Manion--How Is Your Constitution
219. Senator Hugh Butler--The Bricker Amendment: Why It Is So Vital
220. Harry Sears--The Conspiracy Against Gold
221. Herbert Hoover--The Protection of Freedom
222. George E. Stringfellow--How Tyranny Is Born
223. Walter E. W. Spahr--The Outlook for Sound Money in the United States
224. R. Carter Pittman--George Mason: Architect of American Liberty
225. Frank E. Holman--The Greatest Threat to American Freedom
226. O. R. Strackbein--Look Out for the GATT
227. Governor Arthur B. Langlie--States Rights and State Duties
228. William F. Knowland--The United Nations--Impotent and Paralyzed
229. Senator George W. Malone--The Constitutionality of the 1934 Trade Agreements Act
230. Senator John W. Bricker--Preserving the Freedom and Sovereignty of America
231. Eberhard P. Deutsch--The Importance of the Bricker Amendment
232. Frank E. Holman--The Relevance of the Bricker Amendment
233. Clarence Manion--The Need for the Bricker Amendment
234. Omar B. Ketcham--Supremacy of the Constitution Will Be Maintained with the Bricker Amendment
235. Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr.--Alexander Hamilton's Phantom
236. Senator Strom Thurmond--The Constitution and the Supreme Court
237. Cardinal James Francis McIntyre--The Spirit of America: Freedom Under God
238. William L. McGrath--Tree of Freedom
239. William L. McGrath--The Strange Case of the International Labor Organization
240. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Civil Law and Political Emigres
241. Roger A. Freeman--Our Federal System at the Crossroads
242. Admiral Arthur Radford--Battle for Freedom
243. Senator James O. Eastland--Must American Agriculture Be a Controlled Industry
244. Congressman Emanuel Celler--Concentration of Economic Power
245. George C. Cworshak--Subsiditis
246. Congressman Cleveland M. Bailey--Organization for Trade Cooperation: Congress Alone Has Power to Regulate Foreign Commerce
247. Herbert Hoover--Inflation, Spending and Taxes
248. Noah M. Mason--The Preservation of Our Constitution
249. Donald R. Richberg--Individualism: A Fundamental Evil in Big Government
250. Senator Henry F. Byrd--Financial Stability as a Natural Resource
251. Senator William F. Knowland--The United States and the United Nations
252. Fred G. Clark--Is Socialism Irreversible
253. Senator Barry M. Goldwater--The Preservation of Our Basic Institutions
254. Judge Clyde S. Shumaker--At Last a Citizen
255. J. Reuben Clark, Jr.--Some Fundamental Principles of Our Constitution
256. Leonard E. Read--Making the Case for Private Property
257. Congressman Philip J. Philbin--Constitutional Integrity and Foreign Trade
258. Howard E. Kershner--The Moral Basis of a Free Society
259. Charles S. Rhyne--Individual Freedom Under Law
260. Senator Strom Thurmond--Constitutional Government
261. Senator William E. Jenner--What Has Happened to Our Country?
262. Mrs. Wilson K. Barnes--Patriotic Principles of Americanism
263. Congressman James B. Utt--None Is So Blind As He Who Will Not See
264. Congressman Paul Findley--America's Greatest Invention: Our Constitution
265. Augustin G. Rudd--Symbols, Traditions and Liberty: The Birth of the Republic
266. Donald I. Rogers--There Goes Free Enterprise
267. John R. Van De Water--Lincoln's Leadership: Today
268. Senator Harry F. Byrd--Massive Federal Spending: Concentration of National Spending
269. Senator William F. Knowland--The Real Strength of Our Nation
270. E. F. Scoutten--The American Free Enterprise System
271. Admiral Ben Moreell--The Right to Be Wrong
272. Edwin P. Neilan--Supermarket for Subsidies
273. Senator Barry Goldwater--Economic Realities
274. Senator Strom G. Thurmond--Our National Relationship to God
275. Justice Millord Caldwell--Judicial Usurpation
276. Prime F. Osborn, III--Strengthening America's Heritage
277. Alan H. Newcomb--Free Enterprise
278. Senator Strom Thurmond--The Federal Judiciary: The Usurpation of Power
279. Congressman Wright Patman--The ABC's of America's Money System
280. Senator Barry Goldwater--Peace through Strength
281. Senator Strom Thurmond--A Choice for Americans
282. Senator Strom Thurmond--The Cult of Relativism
283. Congressman Wright Patman--The Federal Reserve: A Separate Government
284. Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr.--Separation of Powers
285. Tom Anderson--A Constitutional Government Under God
286. Congressman Wright Patman--One Bank Holding Companies
287. Senator Barry Goldwater--The Federal Government
288. Congressman John H. Dent--Protectionism versus Free Trade
289. Ed W. Hiles--What's Happening to the Spirit of America
290. Governor Meldrin Thomson--The States' Side to New Federalism
291. Senator James McClure--Private Gold Ownership
292. Senator Sam Ervin, Jr.--Our Basic Liberation
293. Anne Armstrong--America's Bicentennial
294. Clarence E. Manion--To the Republic
295. Edmund A. Opitz--Why Do They Turn to Socialism
296. Cornell C. Maier--The Free Enterprise System Is Dying
297. Lee Loevinger--The Impacts of Government Regulation
298. Ralph Y. McGinnis--What Did Abraham Lincoln Stand For?
299. President Ronald Reagan--200th Anniversary of the Signing of the Constitution
300. Diane P. Pikcunas--The United States Constitution
301. Alfred Eckes--An America First Trade Policy
Part I
Preface
i. The Doctrines of Machiavellianism Permeate the World of Business and Society
By
Ida M. Tarbell
Some four hundred years ago there was living quietly in a little villa not far from the City of Florence Italy, a man about forty-five years old, Niccolo Machiavelli by name. His serious occupation--followed at night after a day spent in superintending his estate and drinking wine with his rustic neighbors--was writing a treatise explaining how, in his judgment, the then existing government of Florence could bring that city back to a power and glory which it had lost. Signor Machiavelli was very well fitted for his task. He was not a scholar, in the strict sense of the term, but he was a man thoroughly familiar with his world. He knew its literature and its history. He was an able writer, perhaps the first prose writer Italy had ever produced. He was a man of large experience in politics, diplomacy, society. For fifteen years before taking to his little villa he had been the private secretary and confidential agent of the most powerful factor in the Florentine Republic--the Council of Ten, and in this position he had seen from the inside some of the most extraordinary events of the period. He had been with Cesare Borgia when that crafty general, having lured a large number of his enemies to a conference to discuss terms of peace, cut off their heads--for the good of his country! He had passed months at the court of Francis I, one of the greatest of French Medieval sovereigns, begging men and money to help Florence keep off her enemies. He had matched cunning with cunning; deceit with deceit, bullying with bullying, logic and logic in the leading diplomatic circles of Europe. He was a man of his world, too, always in the thick of the cleverest circle of his city, gossiping, carousing, agitating. He could run an enemy through with a sword, if need be; he could play the gallant with the best of them; he could turn a sonnet to suit the critical taste of his day; and he could write a pamphlet or a creed for the city gate as no other man in Florence. In short, Machiavelli was a versatile, brilliant, learned man of his times--but he was something more than most of such gentlemen, of whom Florence had many. He had a mind of extraordinary analytical power, a genius for construction, a warm devotion to his native city, and a patriotic passion for her glory.
Machiavelli Teaches Despots How to Make Themselves Impregnable
Signor Machiavelli was altogether too young and too much in love with life and action to be spending his nights in writing a treatise on government if he could have helped himself. But he could not. He had lost his office by the overthrow of the Republic of Florence and the restoration of the old despotic power of the Medici. Machiavelli saw no chance for a restoration of the republic. But he believed he did see the way for an able Despot to make Florence all powerful in Italy. He decided to explain his views to the Medici. The world has always been divided as to why Machiavelli, a Republican and practically an exile because of his principles, should have attempted to teach a Despot how to make himself impregnable and his state glorious. There are those who say it was that he might be restored to place--and certainly Machiavelli, when he came to offer his treatise to the Medici, offered his services along with it, pleading that the work itself proved his fitness to serve a Despot,--which it certainly did; but there was a great deal more than a desire for a position in Machiavelli's mind. He loved his Florence--ardently, passionately desired her glory. He saw no chance for the success of a Republic. He believed a powerful and wise Despot could make a state glorious and it mattered little to him how Florence became a stable power if she only achieved the end, and so Machiavelli wrote his Prince--a work destined to become one of the few treatises which have crystallized a political theory into permanent form, a work that fits any age and will continue to fit any so long as human nature remains what it is.
The Business of a Prince Is to Make His State Great
And what was this theory that Signor Machiavelli worked out so well? So direct, so lucid, so comprehensive, and so frank is the Prince that a very brief analysis makes it clear. It opens with a definition of "the business of a Prince," which, says Machiavelli, "is to make his state great and to extend its borders." In Machiavelli's day the Prince so generally came into power by force or by adventurous brigandage that it was this class of rulers alone which he seriously considered in his Treatise. Obviously the first requirement of a Prince who has secured power is an army, his chief art is the art of war. Even the prophets themselves stood or fell by their power to back up their teachings by force, Machiavelli claimed. Thus Moses succeeded because he had an army to back up his laws. Savonarola failed because "when the multitude ceased to have faith in him he was destitute of the means either to compel faith or to inspire confidence." It was a Medieval application of the more modern saying, "Trust in God and keep your powder dry."
The Prince Should Use Secret Intrigue and Treachery
But while Machiavelli places full stress on the necessity of making war in the most scientific and approved manner, he by no means limits his Prince's duties to raising and disciplining troops and to conducting aggressive campaigns. In his judgment there is another and no less important field of action for every Prince, It is that of secret intrigue and treachery, the place in which states are most surely undermined and destroyed. The chief weapons in this field are lying, treachery, cruelty; and Machiavelli calmly advises the use of each, always supporting his contention with ample historical illustrations.
Lying and Craftiness Is a Necessity for a Prince
Lying, in his opinion, is a sacred necessity. "A prudent prince cannot and ought not to keep his word," he says, "except when he can do it without injury to himself, or when the circumstances under which he contracted his engagement still exist." Craftiness is to be cultivated sedulously. Indeed, Machiavelli impresses it upon his Prince that the fox is a worthy example to emulate. "As a Prince must learn how to act the part of a beast sometimes, he should make the fox and the lion his patterns, but the fox often wins when the lion would fail: I could give numerous proofs of this and those who have enacted the part of the fox have always succeeded best in their affairs.
A Prince Should Not Be Afraid of Cruelty
Nor should he be afraid of cruelty. Like lying and treachery it is often necessary. In an army it is useful in helping keep troops in order. In governing a city it prevents uprisings.
It is Better to Be Feared Than Loved
These are hard practices and evidently make a man feared and hated. Machiavelli calls attention to this fact and argues it out logically: "It has sometimes been asked," he says, "whether it is better to be loved than feared, to which I answer that one should wish to be both, but that is a hard matter to be accomplished and I think if it is necessary to make a selection it is safer to be feared than to be loved. Men are generally more inclined to submit to him who makes himself dreaded than to one who merely strives to be beloved; and the reason is obvious, for friendship of this kind being a mere moral tie, a species of duty resulting from a benefit, cannot endure against the calculations of interest; whereas fear carries with it the dread of punishment, which never loses its influence.
The Prince Must Renounce Good
As a general rule, Machiavelli lays it down that hatred is as easily incurred by good actions as by evil--and that when the strongest party is corrupt the Prince must comply with their disposition and content them. "He must renounce good or it will prove his ruin."
To Maintain Power a Prince Should Not Be Good
It is not a high notion of humanity that such doctrines as these presupposes. Machiavelli admits this frankly. Indeed, throughout his treatise he repeatedly claims that it is only possible to practice the methods he advises because men are generally so cowardly, so treacherous, and so selfish. For instance, in explaining the wisdom of not keeping promises he says, "I should be cautious in inculcating such a precept if all men were good; but as the generality of mankind are wicked and ever ready to break their words, a prince should not pique himself in keeping his more scrupulously, especially as it is always easy to justify a breach of faith on his part." And again in cautioning His Prince against having any pride in being considered just and good he says, "The manner in which men live is so different from that in which they ought to live, that he who deviates from the common course of practice and endeavors to act as duty dictates necessarily insures his own destruction. A Prince who wishes to maintain his power ought therefore to learn that he should not be always good.
The Use of Force and Treachery
It is thus by force, craft, and treachery and by a wholesale application of the principle that every man has his price that the great Italian taught that power is to be secured. But this means enemies, for, whereas, a man beaten in an open contest waged according to the rules of war, may become a friend, he who has been stripped of his possessions by craft and treachery combined with force rarely, if ever, can be trusted.
The Prince Should Take Men into Partnership or Crush Them
How shall he deal with them? It is simple in Machiavelli's judgment. "Either make a man your friend or put it out of his power to be your enemy," he says. That is, take him into partnership or crush him. "He may revenge a slight injury, but a great one deprives him of his power to avenge. Hence the injury should be of such magnitude that the Prince shall have nothing to dread from his vengeance." That is, the only safe way to deal with a conquered enemy is to destroy him, and particularly is this true if that enemy has ever known freedom.
The Prince Should Not Help a Rival Power
Not only must you destroy all those you conquer, but under no circumstances should you help a rival power in any of its enterprises, even if those enterprises be quite foreign to those in which you are interested--nothing in which as far as you can foresee you ever will be interested, for the prince who contributes to the advancement of another power runs the risk of ruining his own. The rival may, through the help given him, so advance in power that it may one day ruin the Prince himself--that is, never help in any way anybody outside of your domain.
The Rules for Securing and Increasing Worldly Power
But while Machiavelli lays down forcibly. and clearly the above rules as essential to securing and increasing worldly power, he repeatedly advises against the unguarded use of them. For instance, cruelty must always be "well applied"—that is, only exercised when it is absolutely necessary. Again, although a Prince must do evil when required to preserve and strengthen his domain, he must, above all, preserve an appearance of always doing good. "A prince should earnestly endeavor to gain the reputation of kindness, clemency, piety, justice, and fidelity to his engagements. He ought to possess all these good qualities, but still retain such power over himself as to display their opposites whenever it may be expedient.
The Prince Should Maintain an Outward Appearance of Kindness and Piety
"I maintain that a Prince, and especially a new Prince, cannot with impunity exercise all the virtues, because his own self-preservation will often compel him to violate the laws of charity, religion, and humanity. He should habituate himself to bend easily to the various circumstances which may, from time to time, surround him. In a word, it will be as useful to him to persevere in the path of rectitude, while he feels no inconvenience in doing so, as to know how to deviate from it when circumstances dictate such a course. He should make it a rule, above all things, never to utter anything which does not breathe of kindness, justice, good faith, and piety; this last quality is most important for him to appear to possess, as men in general judge more from appearances than from reality. All men have eyes, but few have the gift of penetration. Every one sees your exterior, but few can discern what you have in your heart."
The Doctrine of the End Justifies the Means
These, briefly, are the famous principles of Machiavelli. In a word, it is the doctrine that the end justifies the means, that whatever is necessary in order to secure the glory of your country is right. Men should love their country more than their souls.
Machiavelli Sought to Teach a Tyrant How to Become Impregnable
Machiavelli gave the Prince to the Florentine Despot, but he did not get his reward. Whether the treatise was too strong for the stomach of Lorenzo or not, we do not know. It was only after Machiavelli's death that the work was published, and no sooner was it out than a storm of indignation broke over it. Impious,. infernal—no adjective was too strong to describe the popular judgment. The Republicans called him traitor because he sought to teach a tyrant how to become impregnable. The Despots hated him because he showed their hand. The church, outraged by his frank accounts of the discrepancies between her practices and principles, put the Prince under its ban and burnt Machiavelli in effigy. And yet Machiavelli had not invented Machiavellianism. He simply described as clearly and succinctly as he could the methods which his observation and study had taught him to be the most successful in ruling Italian cities. He had considered not at all the morality of methods—no despot who won glory did that. He had considered not at all that a man might lose his soul, might drive other men to destroy their souls, by these practices.
Machiavelli Revealed the Formula for Worldly Success
The glory of the state—that in Machiavelli's mind was the end of all political action. If it cost men their souls why still the glory of the state justified the price. Italy had taught him this, yet Italy, when she saw her own theory stated in black and white, turned on the man who had analyzed her so plainly, and called him traitor. The world took up the cry and from that day to this has characterized the theory that the end justifies the means with the opprobrious title of Machiavellian. It has made an adjective of reproach of the great Florentine's name, as if he had let loose the evils inherent in the theory which bears his name. As a matter of fact, all that Machiavelli did was to work out the formula for worldly success followed by the ablest rulers of his own time. His crime in the eyes of Florence was that he revealed the formula.
The Principles of the Prince Are in Active Operation Throughout the World
But though the world repudiated the Machiavellian theory as soon as it saw the light, it by no means abandoned it. Again and again since the Prince first was written, four hundred years ago, its principles have been in as active operation as in the age of despots. Again and again those who hated and feared the theory have risen to overthrow it. What was the Reformation in essence but a revolt against Machiavellianism in the church. What was the French Revolution? Every age, indeed, has seen this theory intrude itself in Church or State, and has seen an attack upon it. Every country has had repeated struggles with it, so has every institution; indeed, so does every individual who aspires.
Machiavellianism Arises in America in the 1880s
There has always been a trace of Machiavellianism in American life, but never in the history of our country has the formula been applied and openly defended, until the last two decades.
A Modern Treatise in the Art of Acquiring and Extending Power
Today, however, one could easily reconstruct out of the mouths of our captains of industry a modern edition of the Prince which would serve quite as well as a textbook for the aspirant to financial power as the Prince of' Machiavelli would have served Lorenzo Medici if he had the brains, the daring, and the dexterity to apply it. The object of this modern treatise, like that of the Medieval one, would be to instruct in the art of acquiring and extending power; but while four hundred years ago it was acquiring power in order to make a state rich and glorious, today it is acquiring power in order to make oneself rich and glorious. Four hundred years ago it was a state which the Prince aspired to control, today it is a great business—a natural product like iron or coal or oil, a great food product like beef, a great interstate transportation line like the railroad, a great deposit for the savings of the poor like a life insurance company. These are the Kingdoms for which the modern man sighs. They do not come to him as an inheritance any more than in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Italian cities came to Despots by inheritance. They come by force, and today, as in Machiavelli's time, the chief art of the would-be captain of industry is war, the end of which is to acquire that which other men now control.
Business Is War
It matters not at all that the man who owns the enterprise desired to extend the captain's power may have been a pioneer in the industry, may have been one of the first in the country to make sugar, or produce oil, raise cattle, or ice cars; it matters very little that he has developed his own markets, invented his own processes and machines; his property is wanted and he cannot be allowed to live free any more than in Machiavelli's judgment Cesare Borgia should have allowed the Italian princes whose domain skirted his and who were weaker than he to live free. Business is war, then, not a peaceful pursuit.
The Art of Developing Monopolies
And this commercial warfare has been developed by our modern captains to a science as perfect as the militarism of the nations. Its tactics are as admirable, its plans of campaign as clear and able.--You want to control beef, for instance—an excellent kingdom to master, so steady and sure are its resources in a prosperous land. But how can you do it? It is an industry as old as the nation. It has been built up and is owned and managed by ten thousand cattlemen on a thousand hills and plains, by hundreds upon hundreds of dealers in the numberless cities and villages and country-sides of the land, by scores upon scores of railroads and steamship lines which compete to carry its products. Where is the central position which, controlled, will bring them all, cattle-raiser, transporter, marketman, under your direction or, if you prefer, drive them from the industry? Any modern captain will tell you it is in transportation. If you can, by any means, so control the railroads and steamships which ship the cattle first and the dressed meat later as to obtain better rates than anybody else, you can control ranchmen and dealers. For if you can ship what you buy cheaper than your competitors, you can afford to sell cheaper. The world buys where it can buy cheapest. In time the world's market is yours and when it is yours you can pay the ranchman your own price for cattle. There is nobody to offer him another. You can make your own rate for the transportation; you are the only shipper. You can demand of the consumer the highest price. There is nobody to offer him one lower.
The Development of Financial Monopolies
Secure the special favor of the railroad then and the rest will be easy, as it is in all great military campaigns where the key to the position has been found and where all resources have been concentrated on its capture. And this favor secured, go after the dealer. If you are a courageous and plausible person, tell him frankly that his business belongs to you, and he had better sell at once. But he does not wish to sell. He has queer ideas about the business being his. He stands on what he calls his rights and a fight is as inevitable as it was in Machiavelli's time when some little Italian town accustomed to governing itself refused to turn over its keys to a big neighbor. And it is beautifully clear from the revelations of our captains of industry during the last thirty years of investigation on what plans the fight will be fought. Cut off his supply of meat. If he has none he sells none. But cattlemen cannot be prevented from selling. No, but if it costs the obstinate dealer more to get that meat to his market than it does you to get it to yours, he cannot sell at the price at which you sell. And here enters the railroad rebate—the modern battering-ram for crushing those who fight to save their own. Crushing them by preventing them getting the supply on which they feed at livable rates of transportation. We all understand it. For nearly forty years we have had it illustrated constantly before our eyes. Recently we have had it ad nauseam. Small dealers in oil and coal and lumber and salt, and a hundred other things forced into combination, into bankruptcy, or into new lines of business—because they could not get a rate which enabled them to ship; the big shipper forcing the discrimination until his rival succumbed like a wall weakened by incessant battering.
The Attacks on Recalcitrant Businesses
But the besieging captain of today has other weapons than his formidable special rate. Have you ever watched, month after month, an attack on a recalcitrant business by some great leader? It is quite as interesting in its way as the study of the siege of Toulon, of Vicksburg, or of Port Arthur. Mines are run under the man's credit and exploded at the moment when they will cause the most confusion, abatis are constructed around his markets until whenever he would enter them he falls into entanglements which mean retreat or death, a system of incessant, deft sharp-shooting is kept up, picking off a bit of raw product here, delaying a car-load there; securing the countermand of an order at this point, bullying or wheedling into underselling at that, trumping up lawsuits, securing vexatious laws. For fertility of invention in harassing maneuvers I recommend the campaign of a modern captain of industry as far superior to the annoyances of the famous guerrilla warfare of the Spaniards.
The Modern Captains of Industry Use Machiavellian Tactics to Destroy Free Enterprise
Now we will all admit that under the competitive system, in a sense, business is war; that is, men are each rightfully seeking to make his own venture as big and as powerful as his ability and energy permit, but in all war, even that of four hundred years ago, there are rules. Compare the use of the ancient battering-ram with the use of the modern one—the rebate. The former was recognized as a legitimate instrument, and the latter has always been declared illegitimate. That is, when an Italian Despot sallied forth to knock down the walls of a city he wanted to add to his domain he used an instrument which the laws allowed—but our modern captain uses as his principal weapon of conquest an instrument forbidden by all the laws of the game. As far as weapons of war are concerned, he really goes the Italian Despot one better. Not only that; he equals him easily in those practices which have always been supposed to be an Italian specialty, and which, as has already been pointed out, form the backbone of Machiavellianism as it is developed in the Prince. Consider the parallel. Our modern captain, like our medieval tyrant, must be prepared for cruelty. If he cannot win over a man and make him a convert to his scheme, or if he does not want him in his aggregation—he must put it out of his power to be his enemy—that is, he must crush him. Machiavelli suavely advises to do him an injury of such magnitude that the Prince shall have nothing to dread from his rival's vengeance. This will make you feared, of course, but the consoling observation Machiavelli offers to those who may gulp a bit at wholesale slaughter is that it is safer to be feared than loved.
People Fear the Captains of Industry on Wall Street
What is today half the power of a half-dozen of our leading captains of industry? It is that they are feared by thousands of men. What is it that drives many a railroad president to grant rebates—a crime in the eyes of the law for which he knows that if the government does its duty he will be fined and imprisoned? Fear of a warfare on his freight, his bonds, his stocks. Why do so many men with righteous causes of complaint throw up their hands at the approach of the captain of their particular industry? Because they know that resistance almost inevitably has ended in failure. Every one who knows Wall Street—the railroad business, the copper-steel, oil, beef business—knows that half the popular stock in trade of the leaders is that they have intelligently and persistently cultivated Machiavelli's counsel that it is safer to be feared than loved.
Wall Street Business Leaders Lie to the American People
It is not only cruelty which is necessary in modern businesses. It is lying. Follow the testimony in the great insurance investigations of the past fall and compare it with the investigations of other years, and perjury sticks out at every corner, perjury so obvious in many cases that it is laughable. Follow the testimony of the leader of the great oil trust—that of many railroad men. When it is necessary they lie.--No Borgia or Medici ever followed more wisely and carefully than our captains Machiavelli's great rule—"A prudent prince cannot and ought not to keep his word except when he can do it without injury to himself."
Lying for the Sake of Business
But while the Machiavellian rule that a Prince should do evil or good according as the one or other serves his interests can be shown by a multitude of documents to be followed faithfully and intelligently by the modern captain of industry, he is no less scrupulous in obeying Machiavelli's injunction not to do evil unnecessarily, that is to do it only when it is necessary to attain the end. Our modern captains of industry rarely lie or break the laws, bribe or practice cruelty, save for the sake of the end that is they do not do these things for the sake of doing them as a Caligula or a Nero would have done. They do them for the good of the business. Listen to one of our railroad officials who, recently on the stand, testified to granting a rebate. "We knew it was illegal but it was the only way we could get our share of the business;" that is, the law is less important than the share of business.
In the Minds of Commercial Leaders the End Justifies the Means
In one great concern where for nearly forty years there is an unbroken record of lawbreaking and of spying and of hard dealings, the repeated explanation has been that it was for the good of the business. Not long ago a Western Senator of the United States was found guilty of stealing public lands. A former colleague openly justified him on the ground that by this robbery the land had been opened up more quickly than it otherwise would have been. Wherever a case comes to the surface it is promptly justified as necessary to keep up the dividends, expand race, meet competition, get your share of the business, stimulate commerce. That is, in the minds of our commercial leaders the end justifies the means as much as it ever did in the mind of Cesare Borgia, the monks of the Spanish Inquisition, of Napoleon Bonaparte, or of Count Metternich.
Modern Captains of Industry Use Charitable Giving to Deceive People
Probably at no period of the world's history where the Machiavellian formula has been the chief working one of a great social institution has its crowning principle—to give the whole fabric the color of charity—been so universally practiced as it is today by our captains of industry. Cesare Borgia, Machiavelli's great model and that incredible villain, his father, Pope Alexander VI, troubled themselves precious little about screening their deeds with clemency and charity—their failure to do so was a chief cause of their final failure. Machiavelli realized this and it was his reason for repeatedly putting emphasis on the necessity of posing as a saint, however great a devil we may be. Today there is hardly to found in American industry a leader, however Machiavellian in practice, who does not seek to justify himself in the eyes of the public by some form of benefit to society. He may cultivate the arts, he may establish lectureships, he may endow colleges, he may build hospitals, but whoever he is—however truly a commercial brigand he is, he follows Machiavelli in appearing a social benefactor. It is instinct with him primarily— not calculation. There are few men, whatever their practices, who do not instinctively desire to be called honorable and generous, and to be considered gentlemen.
When the People Become Alarmed Create a Distraction
The world has so advanced since Machiavelli's days, too, that few men are so unconscious of the social obligations that they do not try to square themselves with God and man for what they take contrary to the legal or the moral code. But what may be instinct at first inevitably becomes a calculation as they grow in brigandage. They see it pays to be known as public benefactors. That such a reputation will keep the public silent longer than any other. That a great gift may often head off a legislative investigation. It is an application of Napoleon's wisdom: When the people are restive, "gild a dome," that is, give them something new to see and talk about, distract their attention; that done, their sense of injustice is soon asleep.
Commercial Machiavellianism Is the Accepted Business Code of Today
Now this parallel between our modern industrial code and that of the Prince is not a mere fanciful one. It is a legitimate historical parallel easily reinforced by a multitude of documents as every one must admit who knows the industrial records of the United States for the last forty years. Commercial Machiavellianism is the accepted industrial formula. It is not only accepted and defended as necessary to our national prosperity and our happiness by those who practice it and profit by it, but the Nation, as a whole, winks at it. How often do we hear from the lips of eminently respectable citizens the words: "Business is business"? How often in justification of lying, "Everybody lies"? How often in defense of bribery the words of the Missouri judge, "Bribery at worst is merely a conventional crime"? How often the words of Tim Campbell of New York "What's the Constitution between friends"? That is, the public as a whole is coming to admit Machiavellianism as a business necessity and to justify it by the end.
The Accumulation of Private Wealth and Power
Now looked at a little more closely what is the business end our captains of industry seek? It certainly is not—never has been—except in rare cases, the mere accumulation of private wealth, the mere winning of personal power. These men who control the industrial world today are, as a rule, men of "great imagination—men who have looked over a vast field of scattered forces and seen how they might bring them into harmony and direct them to definite ends, how in thus combining and organizing they might not only build in their own land one great and splendid industry in the place of the thousands of little ones now doing the work, but they might extend this great creation into foreign lands, thus enlarging American empire, piling up American power, enriching the American people.
The Dream of Universal Empire
Our captains of industry are poets in their ways—poets who rhyme in steel and iron and coal, whose verses are great ships and railways and factories and shops. They create that the world may have more food and light and shelter and joy.--They create for the joy of it—for the sake of feeling themselves grow, for the sake of doing for those they love. This, to a degree, is the vision of them all. These are noble ends, but they can only be kept so by noble means. Yet, almost immediately comes the realization that this dream of universal empire cannot be reached by the means which human law and justice prescribe. What of it? The man, hot with his vision, sees his end as greater than truth, than righteousness, than justice. He gradually, and perhaps unconsciously at first, works out a modern version of the half-pagan formula of Machiavelli to apply to a modern and Christian situation, and the world, dazzled by the magnificence of his achievement, justifies him as he does himself.
Great Monopolies and Trusts in Existence
Now, is he right? Are we right? Is the Machiavellian system today so firmly implanted justified by its results as we see them today? What are the results? Take the material ones. Is there a great monopolistic trust in existence today which has carried out its avowed purpose of better and cheaper products, because of combination? In my judgment not one. The whole history of the trust aiming at monopoly has been that it never gave a pound of beef or a gallon of oil of any better quality or cheaper price than it is forced to do by competition. And why should we expect it to? Suppose that a trust builder started out honestly, fired by the vision of a world-wide machine—a benefit to man and a glory to his nation—and to accomplish this end he breaks laws, crushes rivals, lies, is cruel, treacherous, unscrupulous. How long will his vision resist his evil doing? Let us who have seen our visions fade by the hardening of our hearts which let us grant that the man may have had at the start, is killed by the wrong doing necessary to secure his end. A selfish greed of power and gold replaces it. It cannot be otherwise. The ideal must deteriorate if the means used to realize it are vicious.
Unbridled Greed Leads to Downfall of Powerful Business Leaders
Look at the history of the Life Insurance Companies as revealed recently. The men at their heads have wrought their own ruin by deliberately doing evil—doing evil because of their unbridled, increasing greed. Yet, no doubt, the day was when many of the men foremost in these scandals were fired by the nobility and the sacredness of their business, and looked with pride and exultation on the amount of the return they could by careful and devoted management, make to the thousands upon thousands of the poor who saved and denied themselves and struggled to provide for dependent wife or child. And yet these men came to struggle to secure for themselves and their families and friends the bulk of all the earnings coming from the money of those who had trusted them. Never, indeed, have we had a more perfect example of the ultimate result of the Machiavellian formula—and that is the moral downfall of the man who practices it.
Machiavellian Practices Corrupt Employees and the Youth
But the formula not only ruins the men who practice it--what does it do for the great body of young men who, as employees of a great corporation, must, of necessity, know the meaning of the practices? Take the matter of bribing clerks in railroad freight offices to turn over information concerning the shipments of rival concerns. In at least one great trust this practice is so extensive as to have become a matter of elaborate bookkeeping. No clerk can be so stupid as not to know he is doing a wrong and harmful act when he betrays private information. He knows the money paid him for the information is a bribe. Yet the money comes from a great and powerful corporation. Even if he wants to refuse it he dares not lest he lose his position. His honor is sullied—his manhood shaken—his soul corrupted. There can be no estimation of the corruption of manliness which this practice alone has caused. There can be no condemnation too bitter of the men who have devised the system. They are corrupters of youth.
Machiavellian Practices Teach That Lying Is Part of Business Strategy
Think again of what must be the effect on a great body of young men employed by a trust, when they know their president has lied deliberately on the witness stand, has lied for the good of the business. There are plenty of such cases revealed in our commercial investigations. The young man loyal to his employer and yet trained to honor the truth must almost inevitably come to the conclusion that lying is one of the necessary implements in successful business—and as time goes on he probably will conclude that it is all right if it will aid in getting you anything you want. If the good of the business justifies lying, it justifies all other things—law-breaking, cruelty, treachery; unconsciously the young man becomes a Machiavellian in his theory of the relation of honor to business.
The Young Men in America are Learning the Art of Commercial Machiavellianism
Not only does he come to defend these practices to himself; he soon will be adept in defending them to others. Let us suppose that the private secretary of some great captain of industry of today—a man who, for the good of the business, has found it necessary to put into practice the methods we have been considering--suppose this man's confidential secretary to be a man of keen and analytical mind, of clear power of expression, of an ardent enthusiasm for business, loving the particular industry whose captain he serves as Machiavelli loved Florence; ambitious to see it all-powerful as Machiavelli was ambitious to see his beautiful Florence powerful; and let it come to a point in his career, as it came in Machiavelli's when he was about forty-five years old, that his industry, after the loss of its first powerful head, retrogrades from a first to a second or a third place in the order of business industries—that it is in danger of falling still lower. The secretary sees the reason—the new management has loosened its grip. It no longer fights for the privileges the law forbids—no longer tracks its competitors in secret and in secret undermines them, no longer bribes or lies. Can you not imagine this secretary reared to believe that these things are essential in business and that business success is a paramount duty; can you not imagine him sitting down to frame for the guidance of those who, in his judgment, are ruining the business—the code which alone in his experience and judgment can make a business great? That is, our young men the country over are not only learning the essentials of commercial Machiavellianism and accepting them, but they are becoming their defenders. And when they reach this point clear thinking and unselfish actions will be as impossible to them as recent revelations show that they have become to an appalling number of our financial leaders. They are men lost to society—men lost to the state. There is but one name for this and that is treason. Indeed, I doubt if this trust question has a more serious phase than this corrupting of the minds and the hearts of youths.
Machiavellianism Is the Working Formula of the Major Political Parties in America
But this Machiavellian formula affects more than our industrial life today. It is, to an alarming degree, the working formula of our political parties. It has reduced at least one great sport to a degradation which is a national scandal. It crops out in every art and profession. It has invaded even the field whose teachings are most fundamentally antagonistic to it—the field of the Christian religion. What are the scandals of our political life but the gross application of the great Italian's principles. We buy votes that our party may succeed. It is illegal, it is corrupt; but the success of the party is higher law, to which we must sacrifice our common creed of morals. We stuff ballot boxes, run in repeaters, vote in blocks of five, juggle the returns all for the glory of the party. We take the funds of corporations whose only object we know to be to provide a future protection and favor for themselves, we do it though it is in many places contrary to law, and everywhere contrary to sound morals. We tolerate, even support, in their aspirations unspeakable politicians like Addicks of Delaware, Depew of New York, Quay of Pennsylvania. The good of the party requires it. If by any chance scandals occur, bribery is too flagrant, the alliance between the Campaign Committee and the Corporations too obvious, the activities of the politicians too pernicious, we do our best not to force out the truth that we may correct the wrongs; we cover them with plausible explanations, condone them with scriptural quotations on the sin of judging our fellow man—as if the whole basis of government by the people was not judging him—protect them with the pious challenge "let him who is without sin cast the first stone," silence all critics by a bluster of righteous indignation as to the impossibility of people whose aims and words are so noble doing these vile things. It is the Machiavellian game of affirming you are virtuous whatever your practices. It is a great game, and, well played, it works a long time.
The Machiavellian Creed Influences All Aspects of Life Including Literature
But it is impossible in a nation where business and politics are the two absorbing interests that the dominating creed of those interests should not influence all departments of life. It is inevitable that our art and our literature should not escape the Machiavellian hand which rules us. We see it in the overweening respect that we have for the "best-sellers" among books, the big prices of the artists. Quantity and price, not the integrity, sincerity, and freshness of the product, are unquestionable, powerful motives in artistic life today.
The Influence of Machiavellian Doctrines on Christianity
Most deplorable of all is the influence these doctrines have on the Church. In a poem published not long ago in a leading religious journal this line is found, "The Union right or wrong, still this will be my song." It is nothing but a new version of the Middle Age theory that for the glory of a country a man should be willing to sell his soul. And could anything be more brutally Machiavellian than the arguments recently brought to bear upon one great captain of industry by certain of those who were trying to induce him to contribute to foreign missions, that quite apart from the persons converted the mere commercial result of missionary effort to our land is worth a thousandfold every year of what is spent on missions!
Commercial Machiavellianism Is the Most Alarming Phase of American Life Today
It is this threatening saturation of all our active ties with commercial Machiavellianism which is the most alarming phase of American life today. Unless it is checked it means a general demoralization of the sense of fair play, a general lowering of our intellectual honesty. Our indifference to it up to this point has, perhaps, been natural enough. The nation, as a whole, has been dazzled by its material success. There is no one of us with blood in his veins, with the love of great games and great fights in his heart, that is not stirred by the sight of growth, of expansion, of the piling up of wealth and power. These mammoth enterprises of ours, extending around the earth, fill us with exultant pride. We are an achieving people, we say. We recall, too, that these great material successes mean other things. They mean endowments for our colleges, buildings and equipment for our hospitals, fresh funds for our missions, parks in our cities, pictures in our museum. It is, perhaps, natural that in our pride at the magnificence of our results we should overlook the integrity of the means by which they are achieved, should fail to ask ourselves whether clear thinking, honest living, aspiring ideals, unselfish devotion to unselfish ends were growing as fast as endowments and buildings. It is certainly easy enough for any one to persuade himself for a time at least that material growth is its own justification, particularly when that success contributes to one's pet enterprises.
Growing Public Indifference at How Men Make Money
At all events for many years warnings against the corruption inherent in our illegal and immoral business practices have been received by the majority of those to whom our public morals are entrusted with silence or apology. "Judge not lest ye be judged," "Let him who is without sin cast the first stone," they tell us. Can there be greater blasphemy than to apply these noble Christian counsels to men convicted repeatedly of betraying their trusts, of perjuring themselves for business sake, of breaking and evading laws for greed. Even the continued revelations of these practices and the awful results in destroying character which are and have been coming to us daily this fall have not been sufficient to disturb the complacency of many a smooth-tongued teacher. We still hear "wait—judge not lest ye be judged " uttered by eminent mouths as proof after proof is laid before us of the ruin of character which has been wrought by our long indifference to how a man made his money if he only made it and gave it to the church or college or city. This is no advocacy of hasty condemnation. To accuse without proof is a crime, but to excuse when you have proof is likewise a crime.
The People Must Declare For or Against the Machiavellian Doctrines
The issue is coming to be too distinct to evade. We must either declare for or against the Machiavellian theory. I am told that it is useless to trouble ourselves, that it will right itself. And that is true. It will right itself in the long run. We all of us may accept, root and branch, the Machiavellian theory, accept it, practice it in our business, in our homes, in society. We may make this country as truly Machiavellian as was the Age of Despots, but that will not defeat the ultimate triumph of eternal justice. The Good is the stronger principle. It finally prevails. All that we can do is temporarily to accelerate or to delay the stream of righteousness. We can help make our age Machiavellian, but all of the men of the earth combined cannot entrench that theory so firmly that a future age will not destroy our work. We cannot build so gloriously with it that a future age will not condemn us as we do the Despots of Italy. The question is whether we are going to throw our weight for or against the present system—whether we are going as a nation to tolerate it and let the future overthrow it or whether we are going to try to take care of it ourselves.
Commercial Machiavellianism Is Our Great Problem Today
There are many signs that we are choosing do our own housecleaning, that we have intention of going down to history along with Cesare Borgia and Alexander VI, the Monks of the Inquisition and Count-Metternich; that we are recognizing frankly that commercial Machiavellianism is our great present-day problem.
The Most Effective Strategy Is to Expose the Machiavellian Principles Practiced by Businessmen Today
And if so, what is there to do about it ? The first and most effective work is to air the formula, drag it out into the light, put it down in black and white, state it exactly as it is and as our captains practice it. How many of the very men who practice the Machiavellian formula would be willing to stand by it in the open if it were put to them in its bald truth ? How many of them would openly put their names to the following creed ?
The Modern Machiavellian Creed
"Success is the paramount duty. It can be attained in the highest degree only by force. At times it requires violence, cruelty, falsehood, perjury, treachery. Do not hesitate at these practices, only be sure they are necessary for the good of the business and be very careful to insist upon them always as wise and kind and that they work together for the greatest good of the greatest number." We all know that there is scarcely one of them so hardened that he would not pale at the thought of signing that creed and yet it is constructed substantially out of their own words as spoken at one time or another on the witness-stand.
A System Which Requires That Men Sell Their Souls for Worldly Glory
The truth is the Machiavellian formula carries its own death potion with in. It cannot stand the light. It is only strong when is out of sight—when it is unuttered. Today, as four hundred years ago, state it bluntly and men disown it. Why was Machiavelli repudiated by Italy as soon as the Prince was published? Why has his name remained to this day in all nations an adjective of reproach? Because he set forth uncondemned a system which demands that men sell their souls for worldly glory. And never in any age, blind and hard and temporizing as men may have been, have they been fling to admit aloud that it pays to buy wealth or power or glory at the cost of the soul. They are willing to practice the formula so long as they can avoid hearing it; those who profited by their success have been willing to support them so long as they could deaden their intellects by repeating "judge not lest ye be judged," but when it came to defending the Machiavellian creed aloud, they dared not do it.
Truth Is the Cure for Commercial Machiavellianism
And herein lies our safety. The truth, nothing but the truth, ugly and cruel and relentless as it may be, is the cure for commercial Machiavellianism. ("Commercial Machiavellianism," McClure's Magazine, Vol. XXVI, March, 1906, No. 5, pp. 453-463.)
ii. The Development of the European Banking System Throughout the World
A World System of Financial Control in Private Hands Able to Dominate the Political System of Each Country and the Economy of the World As A Whole
"... [T]he powers of financial capitalism had another far-reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. This system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences. The apex of the system was to be the Bank for International Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, a private bank owned and controlled by the world's central banks which were themselves private corporations. Each central bank, in the hands of men like Montagu Norman of the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of the New York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the Bank of France, and Hjalmar Schacht of the Reichsbank, sought to dominate its government by its ability to control Treasury loans, to manipulate foreign exchanges, to influence the level of economic activity in the country, and to influence cooperative politicians by subsequent economic rewards in the business world.
"In each country the power of the central bank rested largely on its control of credit and money supply. In the world as a whole the power of the central bankers rested very largely on their control of loans and of gold flows.... [T]hese central bankers were able to mobilize resources to assist each other through the B. I. S., where payments between central banks could be made by bookkeeping adjustments between the accounts which the central banks of the world would keep there. The B. I. S. as a private institution was owned by the seven chief central banks and was operated by the heads of these, who together formed its governing board. Each of these kept a substantial deposit at the B. I. S., and periodically settled payments among themselves (and thus between the major countries of the world) by bookkeeping in order to avoid shipments of gold. They made agreements on all the major financial problems of the world, as well as on many of the economic and political problems, especially in reference to loans, payments, and the economic future of the chief areas of the globe.
"The B. I. S. is generally regarded as the apex of the structure of financial capitalism whose remote origins go back to the creation of the Bank of England in 1694 and the Bank of France in 1803.
"... It must not be felt that these heads of the world's chief central banks were themselves substantive powers in world finance. They were not. Rather, they were the technicians and agents of the dominant investment bankers of their own countries, who had raised them up and were perfectly capable of throwing them down.
"The substantive financial powers of the world were in the hands of these investment bankers (also called 'international' or 'merchant' barkers) who remained largely behind the scenes in their own unincorporated private banks. These [bankers] formed a system of international cooperation and national dominance which was more private, more powerful, and more secret than that of their agents in the central banks. This dominance of investment bankers was based on their control over the flows of credit and investment funds in their own countries and throughout the world. They could dominate the financial and industrial systems of their countries by their influence over the flow of current funds through bank loans, the discount rate, and the rediscounting of commercial debts; they could dominate governments by their control over current government loans and the play of the international exchanges.
"Almost all of this power was exercised by the personal influence and prestige of men who had demonstrated their ability in the past to bring off successful financial coupes, to keep their word, to remain cool in a crisis, and to share their winning opportunities with their associates. In this system the Rothschilds had been preeminent during much of the nineteenth century, but, at the end of that century, they were being replaced by J. P. Morgan whose central office in New York, although it was always operated as if it were in London (where it has, indeed, originated as George Peabody and Company in 1838). Old J. P. Morgan died in 1913, but was succeeded by his son of the same name (who had been trained in the London branch until 1901), while the chief decisions in the firm were increasingly made by Thomas W. Lamont after 1924. " (Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1966, pp. 324, 326-327.)
Ignorance of the Nature of Coin, Credit and Circulation Lead to Perplexities in America
"All the perplexities, confusion, and distress in America arise, not from defects in the Constitution or confederation, not from the want of honor or virtue, so much as from downright ignorance of the nature of coin, credit and circulation." (John Adams, Letter to Thomas Jefferson, 1787. Quoted in Robert L. Owen, National Economy and The Banking System of the United States, Senate Document No. 23, 76th Congress, 1st Session, Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1939, p 99.)
Banking Institutions Are More Dangerous to the Liberties of People Than Standing Armies
"If the American people ever allow the banks to control the issuance of their currency, first by inflation and then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up around them will deprive the people of all property until their children will wake up homeless on the continent their fathers occupied. The issuing power of money should be taken from the banks and restored to Congress and the people to whom its belongs. I sincerely believe the banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties that standing armies. Already they have raised up a monied aristocracy that has set the Government at defiance." (Thomas Jefferson. Quoted in Olive Cushing Dwinell, The Story of Our Money, p. 84 and Robert L. Owen, National Economy and the Banking System of the United States, p. 99.)
The Importance of Controlling the Issuance of Money in a Nation-State
"Permit me to issue and control the money of a nation, and I care not who makes its laws."
(Mayer Anselm Rothschild, 1790. Quoted in Robert L. Owen, National Economy and the Banking System of the United States, p. 99.)
The European Banking System is Based on Debt
"Let the American people go into their debt-funding schemes and banking systems, and from that hour their boasted independence will be a mere phantom." (William Pitt, Chancellar of the Exchequer, England, 1791. Quoted in T. Cushing Daniel, Real Money Verses False Money--Bank Credits, p. 32.)
The European Banking System Is Designed to Enslave Individuals, Communities and Nations
Of all aristocracies, none more completely enslave a people than that of money; and in the opinion of your committee, no system was ever better devised so perfectly to enslave a community as that of the present mode of conducting banking establishments. Like the siren of the fable, they entice to destroy. The hold the purse-strings of society, and by monopolizing the whole of the circulating medium of the country, they form a precarious standard by which the property in the country--homes, lands, debts and credits, personal and real estate of all description--are valued, this rendering the whole community dependent upon them; proscribing every man who dares to expose their unlawful practices." (Report of the Legislative Committee, State of New York, 1818. Quoted in T. Cushing Daniel, Real Money Verses False Money--Bank Credits, p. 33.
The European Banking System Is Designed to Build Up a Money Aristocracy
"There never has been devised by any man a plan more specious by which labour could be robbed of the fruit of toil than the banking system. The people not only take bank paper as money, paying interest on it, but when banks suspend, the people lose the discount while the bankers gain it.
"The people wonder why financial panics occur so frequently. I can tell them why. It is to the interests of the bankers and brokers that they should occur. It is one of the specious methods by which these despotic and utterly useless knaves rob the producing, manufacturing and mercantile classes of their honest earnings. It is one of the chief plans by which this infamous ring is riveting the chains of slavery upon the limbs of labour. It is one of the chief means adopted to build up a money aristocracy that shall live in idle luxury and ape the pretentious airs of European nobility." (Daniel Webster. Quoted in Olive Cushing Dwinell, The Story of Our Money, pp. 139-140.)
The Elite Will Support the European Banking System Throughout the World
"The few [elite] who can understand the system (check money and credits) will either be so interested in its profits, or so dependent on its favors, that there will be no opposition from that class, while on the other hand, the great body of the people mentally incapable of comprehending the tremendous advantage that capital derives from the system, will bear its burdens without complaint, and perhaps without even suspecting that the system is inimical to their interests. (Letter written by the Rothschild Brothers of London, England to a New York firm of bankers, June 25, 1863. Quoted in Robert L. Owen, National Economy and the Banking System of the United States, pp. 99-100.)
Under the European Banking System Wealth is Aggregated In the Hands of the Elite
"Yes, we may congratulate ourselves that this cruel war is near the close, but I see in the future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the war corporations have been enthroned, and an era of corruption will follow and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working on the prejudices of the people until wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country that ever before, even in the midst of war." (Abraham Lincoln. Quoted in Olive Cushing Dwinell, The Story of Our Money, p. 202.)
National Debts Are a Form of Taxation
"National debts paying interest are simply the purchase by the rich of the power to tax the poor." (John Ruskin. Quoted in T. Cushing Daniel, Real Money Verses False Money--Bank Credits, p. 41.)
Wall Street Investment Banker Predicts Panic in America
"Unless we have a central bank with adequate control of credit resources, this country is going to undergo the most severe and far-reaching money panic in its history." (Jacob Schiff, Senior Partner, Kuhn, Loeb Co. Speech, Chamber of Commerce, New York, 1907.)
The U. S. Government is a Foster Child of Special Interests
"Suppose you go to Washington and try to get at your government. You will always find that while you are politely listened to, the men really consulted are the big men who have the biggest stakes--the big bankers, the big manufacturers, the big masters of commerce.... Every time it has come to a critical question, these gentlemen" have been yielded to, and their demands treated as the demands that should be followed as a matter of course. The government of the United States is a foster child of special interests." (Woodrow Wilson, 1912, Quoted in The Nation, November 19, 1990, p. 589.)
The Greatest Monopoly in America
"The greatest monopoly in this country is the money monopoly. So long as that exists, our old variety and freedom and individual energy of development are out of the question. A great industrial nation is controlled by its system of credit. Our system of credit is concentrated. The growth of the nation, therefore, and all our activities are in the hands of a few men.... This is the greatest question of all; and to this, statesmen must address themselves with an earnest determination to serve the long future and the true liberties of men. " (Woodrow Wilson, Quoted in Louis D. Brandeis, Other People's Money and How Bankers Use It. New York: Frederick A. Stokes. Co., 1932 edition, pp. 1-2.)
The Money Trust is Not a Myth
"The control of credit also became dangerously centralized.... The financial resources of the country are [controlled by] small groups of capitalists.... The great monopoly of this country is the monopoly of big credits.... A great industrial nation is controlled by its system of credit. Our System of credit is privately concentrated. The growth of our nation, therefore, and all our activities, are in the hands of a few men.... This Money Trust ... is not a myth.... " (Woodrow Wilson, Quoted in Carter Class, Adventures in Constructive Finance, pp. 77-79.)
The Power of International Bankers and Monopolists
"Don't deceive yourselves for a moment as to the power of the great interests which now dominate our development. They are so great that it is almost an open question whether the Government of the United States can dominate them or not.
"Monopoly means atrophy of industry. If monopoly persists, monopoly will always sit at the helm of government. I do not expect to see monopoly restrain itself. If there are men in this country big enough to own the government of the United States, they are going to own it; what we have to determine now is whether we are big enough, whether we are men enough, whether we are free enough, to take possession again of the Government which is our own. We haven't had free access to it; our minds have not touched it by way of guidance, in half a generation.... "
(Woodrow Wilson, Quoted in Olive Cushing Dwinell, The Story of Our Money, no date. p. 190.)
Federal Reserve Act Established the Most Gigantic Trust on Earth
"This Act [Federal Reserve Act] establishes the most gigantic trust on earth. When the President [Woodrow Wilson] signs this bill, the invisible government by the monetary power will be legalized. The people may not know it immediately, but the day of reckoning is only a few years removed. The trusts will soon realize that they have gone too far for their own good. The people must make a declaration of independence to relieve themselves from the monetary power. This they will be able to do by taking control of Congress. Wall Streeters could not cheat us if you Senators and Representatives did not make a humbug of Congress. The division of Congress into political parties is a crime. The main object of the bosses in both political parties is to get offices and grant special favors
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Remove Author | Ban Author Delete <> Expand Messages Author Sort by Date The Elite Financial Oligarchy - our present danger The Elite Financial Oligarchy Poses a Clear and Present Danger to America's Freedom, Sovereignty and Independence ... Tony Gosling diggers350 [AD] Sep 19, 2010
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"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
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Please consider seriously the reason why these elite institutions are not discussed in the mainstream press despite the immense financial and political power they wield? There are sick and evil occultists running the Western World. They are power mad lunatics like something from a kids cartoon with their fingers on thenuclear button! Armageddon is closer than you thought. Only God can save our souls from their clutches, at least that's my considered opinion - Tony
Tuesday, 21 September 2010
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