Tuesday, 7 September 2010

Just Journalism
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  7 September 2010
New in Standpoint: 'Direct Talks'


Just Journalism Executive Director Michael Weiss has written an article, analysing the prospects for peace in this latest round bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Click here to read the whole article in Standpoint.

No one believes that Arab-Israeli direct talks are likely to lead to a viable peace deal since none of the preconditions for one are in place. Hamas still controls Gaza and tosses Fatah loyalists off of rooftops. Jerusalem is either a Palestinian capital or an undivided Israeli one. Religious-nationalist settlements in the West Bank are due to renew their "natural growth" at the end of the month. Palestinians demand that all refugees of the 1948 and 1967 wars, and their descendants, be allowed back into what is now the State of Israel. Given this dour climate for rapprochement, one would be forgiven for not taking notice of the substantive if prosaic achievements that these negotiations may yet yield, namely, those fixed around furthering Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad's state-building efforts in the West Bank.

A year ago, Fayyad introduced a two-year plan for laying down the armature of a future Palestinian state with an emphasis on economic development, security and bureaucratic housecleaning. The goal was to end the corrupt, Tammany-style system of patronage that formerly defined the Palestinian Authority under Yasser Arafat and create transparent and accountable institutions beholden to no one party, particularly Fatah. Not only were these the necessary preconditions for a functioning democracy, Fayyad reasoned, but they were also indispensable indicators of financial health and stability necessary for luring foreign capital. Halfway through, Fayyad's two year-program is working.

The West Bank economy, according to the International Monetary Fund, grew 8.5 percent last year despite a global recession and ongoing military occupation. Nablus, formerly a flashpoint in the second intifada, is today home to a burgeoning marketplace of imported luxury goods and a brand new cinema featuring the latest Hollywood blockbusters. An older movie house in Jenin, another memorable locus for Arab-Israeli violence, reopened last month after being shuttered for twenty years and just in time for a three-day film festival. Ramallah, the de facto Palestinian capital, is undergoing both a cultural renaissance as well as a housing boom, with apartments in well-off neighborhoods now selling for as much as $200,000 each. The trendy Jordanian cafe-restaurant chain Tche Tche has unveiled a branch in Ramallah, and a 5-star Movenpick hotel is set to open this month.  

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'Against Peace': The Times bucks editorial trend
Saturday's editorial in The Times is the first since the start of the peace talks to focus on Hamas' refusal to accept either the legitimacy of the peace talks, or the existence of the Jewish state. It recognises that other major obstacles exist on both sides, but emphasises particularly the destructive role of the Islamist group in the current process, an issue that perhaps has not been awarded much weight in recent broadsheet editorial columns.

On Friday,
Just Journalism produced a round-up of the various editorials on the renewed peace talks. All five broadsheets maintained the generally negative attitude towards the possibility of the negotiations proving successful; and most attacked a perceived unwillingness of Netanhayu to compromise on land, with most attention paid to the settlement issue. The Times' 'Two-State Stalemate' however, addressed, if only briefly, the role of divisions on the Palestinian side and the renewed violence of Hamas. 'Against Peace,' published on Saturday, expands on this.


First, there is mention of last Tuesday's attacks near Hebron, which Hamas has taken full responsibility for, and the joining together of 13 armed groups to keep up opposition. The editorial then points out that, whilst there is 'dogmatic and ideological' opposition to giving up land among some Jewish communities, 'any equation between such groups and Hamas is crass, mistaken and grossly offensive.' It also highlights the difficulties with Hamas' objections to the peace process, which are almost impossible to negotiate around because they fundamentally preclude the idea of a Jewish state.


The editorial takes issue not just with Hamas' foreign relations, but the problems it has posed internally in the Palestinian territories. For example, 'In the West Bank, it works directly to undermine the efforts undertaken to create prosperity and build the early foundations of a future state.' In Gaza, the Islamist group's conduct is characterized by 'purging political opponents and profiteering through smuggling routes.' This kind of corruption makes it difficult for the government or the people to move forward.


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here.

Netanyahu's intentions and motives in negotiation
Following the relatively controversy-free meeting in Washington last week, articles in The Observer and The Independent have queried the motives and objectives behind Benjamin Netanyahu's desire to enter into negotiations with the Palestinians.

In '
Is Netanyahu ready to make peace? The test is yet to come', Jerusalem correspondent at The Independent Donald Macintyre, contemplates 'one of the great diplomatic riddles of the times', namely, Netanyahu's desire to enter into constructive talks, from a position of previous opposition. Macintyre takes an entirely cynical approach to Netanyahu's intentions, labeling him the 'the most pivotal, as well as the most unreadable' of the leaders involved.

Likewise, Harriet Sherwood in '
Middle East peace talks: Cynicism and mistrust stalk make-or-break negotiations in America', feels there is no 'definitive answer' as to whether 'Netanyahu is really serious about trying to come to a deal with his Palestinian counterparts'. In an effort to answer these questions, Sherwood and Macintyre consider several factors, including Netanyahu's previous political position, his use of public relations, and desires to secure his legacy.

In the standfirst of his article, Macintryre suggests that Netanyahu 'would have to break with his own ideology to deliver a deal'. He describes the person at the meeting in Washington as 'Netanyahu Mark II', dismissing the plausibility of Netanyahu changing his approach since the Oslo era. Sherwood makes the claim that '[m]ost Palestinians - and quite a few Israelis - view the notion that the Netanyahu leopard has changed its spots with derision and skepticism,' creating a similar picture.

Both journalists consider Netanyahu to be concerned with enhancing his and Israel's public image, and not necessarily prioritising peace for its own sake. Macintyre suggests that Netanyahu's 'mastery of public relations in recent months has been vastly superior to that of the Palestinian leadership, especially in presenting himself as the willing negotiating partner'.

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