Sunday, 21 November 2010




Professor Nutt, the cannabis propagandist in a scientist’s white coat

This is Peter Hitchens' Mail on Sunday column

The authorities in this country have given up trying to enforce the law against possession of cannabis.

I know this because I have spent the week researching a statement recently made by the famed Professor David Nutt, hero of the cannabis lobby. And it is deeply misleading, which is especially shocking in one who holds the title ‘Professor’.

Professor Nutt said on BBC Radio 4’s Today programme that last year ‘160,000 people were given criminal sanctions for possessing cannabis’.

Nutt

Well, it is true that the Home Office recorded 162,610 cases of cannabis possession in England and Wales in 2009. But what happened next? Savage punishment?

Not exactly. The majority of these cases – 86,953 – were dealt with by a feeble procedure known as a ‘Cannabis Warning’. This has no legal status, does not lead to a criminal record and is not even recorded nationally. Yet it is recommended by the Association of Chief Police Officers as the first option, unless ‘aggravating factors’ are present.

Another 19,137 cannabis cases were dealt with through Cautions, which expire after a maximum of three months and normally needn’t be declared to employers.

Slightly tougher, but not exactly life-changing, were the 11,492 Penalty Notices for Disorder, which are recorded indefinitely but do not involve a court appearance, a fine or imprisonment.

Only 22,748 cannabis cases, slightly more than one in eight, actually ended in court. Nobody in Whitehall is able to tell me what sort of penalties were imposed or what distinguishes these cases from the others. I suspect that most of these involved persistent offenders, or possession with intent to supply, or were charged in conjunction with other crimes.

There is no record of what happened to the remaining several thousand cases. I imagine they slipped through the many cracks in our crumbling, decrepit criminal justice system.
But the message of these figures is perfectly clear.

For good or ill (and I believe it is for ill, since several such people will end up spending their lives in locked mental wards), a young person who smokes cannabis in private is most unlikely to attract the attention of the law. And if he does, he will not be seriously punished. Is a Cannabis Warning a ‘criminal sanction’ in any true sense? Or even a Caution?

Yet because David Nutt is a professor, he can say this sort of thing unchallenged on the BBC, and can also assert that ‘criminalising young people for smoking cannabis is actually more dangerous to them and their life than decriminalising it’.

This is language abuse. A person who knowingly breaks the law of the land is not ‘criminalised’. He criminalises himself. It is also propaganda masquerading as science, and it stinks.

A day for dignity, not jaunty fedoras

Samantha Cameron

I don't know why David Cameron thinks he needs a personal photographer, when most of the British media seem to want to be his personal valets and shoe-cleaners.

It’s amazing what the Camerons get away with.

If Cherie Blair had worn the jaunty fedora hat that Samantha Cameron sported on Remembrance Sunday, the whole world would have been about her ears, denouncing its frivolity and saying, in my view rightly, that it wasn’t fitting for such a solemn occasion.

If Anthony Blair, or Gordon Brown, had used a grubby lavatory swearword in an after-dinner speech in front of dozens of prominent journalists and politicians, as Mr Cameron did on Wednesday night, he would rightly have been excoriated on front pages for lowering the standards of publicbehaviour.

And that’s forgetting all about the Prime Minister’s super-greedy past as a claimer of politicians’ housing benefit, an irony that needs to be remembered at the moment.


Truth about the ‘Darker Later’ myths

In my effort to torpedo plans to place us permanently on Berlin Time, I have this week made the acquaintance of the ‘Lighter Later’ campaign, which is lobbying for this needless and unpleasant change in our way of life.

Actually, they could equally well be called ‘Darker Later’, since that will certainly be the effect on our mornings in winter. Here are a few things about them you might like to know.

They are an offshoot of the fanatical man-made global warming outfit 10:10. That organisation, a favourite of the anti-British, pro-EU Guardian newspaper, were responsible for the disgusting No Pressure propaganda film, in which people who doubted the message of warmist zealots were blown into bloody shreds in a series of supposedly comic scenes.

They sought to organise an invasion of our website last week (I have the evidence), so giving a false impression of public feeling on this matter. They claim that making it darker later in winter will reduce road accidents. Initially, I accepted their claim that this had in fact happened during the 1968-71 experiment in darker mornings.

I sought other explanations for this. But then I checked the actual road-death figures for the period.

Here they are:

1968: 6,810.

1969: 7,365.

1970: 7,499.

1971: 7,699.

1972: 7,763.

Yes, total road deaths in Great Britain went up during this period.

I don’t know why they went up. But they certainly didn’t go down. This one fact is worth a ton of projections and speculations, which is what ‘Darker Later’ come up with when challenged on this issue. I have also asked them to name me one free and democratic country, outside the reach of German diplomatic and economic pressure, that has voluntarily set its clocks to a meridian 600 miles away. There has been no answer.

This was rejected with relief by public and Parliament when we did it 40 years ago. A similar attempt to mess with American clocks in 1974 and 1975 was abandoned because the dark mornings were so unpopular.

My contention that this idea has its roots in the EU has been challenged. To this I reply that one of the many attempts to skew our time eastwards was the ‘Central European Time Bill’ of 1994, keenly supported by the arch-Europhile Roy Jenkins in the House of Lords.

I might also mention that the EU is known to work constantly and covertly for its own ends, as shown in our story about Hughie Green last week, and in the sinister Seventies breakfast lobbies at the Connaught Hotel, exposed ten years ago in an unforgettable BBC Radio 4 programme, A Letter To The Times.

This revealed a co-ordinated attempt to influence public opinion by stealth during the campaign to get us into the EU, and quoted one Brussels lobbyist as saying that such things are still going on. I don’t doubt it.


************************
That supposedly nice and reasonable former Tory MP Matthew Parris has still not apologised for crudely misrepresenting me at a public meeting. In that case, can he still be regarded as either nice or reasonable?

18 November 2010 2:35 PM

Berlin Time and Time Again

Part of this posting is copied from a comment I left on the original 'Berlin Time' thread. This is because I think it demonstrates the absence of thought among many of the enthusiasts for setting this country's clocks as if it were 600 miles further east than it actually is.

Someone hiding behind the name 'Richard B' asks: ‘Why Berlin time and not Paris or Madrid hmmmm I wonder?’
Well, Mr 'B', basically because it *is* Berlin time, and not Madrid or Paris Time. Hmmmmmmm? Did he wonder much?

Get out your atlas and observe that the map is marked with lines of longitude, spreading eastwards and westwards form the zero meridian at Greenwich. They arrive at the opposite of Greenwich in the far east of Siberia, which is 180 degrees east and west (the International Date Line, which does not exactly follow the 180 degree meridian, is to be found here).

The numbering of these lines is arbitrary. But the absolutes which they measure are based upon the rotation of the earth, and are not arbitrary but real. It really is lighter earlier in Berlin than it is here, in the morning.

In theory the zero meridian could go through anywhere. But Greenwich was chosen at the International Meridian Conference in Washington in 1884.

What is not arbitrary is that 15 degrees of longitude represents the distance between two points, where the sun is at its zenith an hour apart. Thus. The sun is at its zenith an hour earlier on the 15 degree east Meridian (close to Berlin) than it is at Greenwich.

And lo, the 15 degree east meridian runs about 60 miles east of Berlin. (Trebnje in Slovenia is exactly upon it, but Berlin is the major city in Europe closest to it, and also the political origin of Central European Time, dating back to the Kaiser but spread, by conquest or pressure, ever since.)

Whereas Paris is only about two degrees east of Greenwich (and ought really to be on GMT), and Madrid is about three degrees *west* of Greenwich, and would certainly be better suited to London than Berlin time - though being further south is not so badly affected by it.

I call it Berlin time because it is Berlin time.

Accusations of 'xenophobia' should only be made, I think, by people who know what they're talking about and have evidence to back their charges. I love Germany, and admire much about it, and often go on holiday there. I just don't see why I should live on German time when I am in England, hundreds of miles to the West.

Germans, likewise, see no virtue in living on Minsk time (the equivalent, for them, of doing what is proposed for us). Why should they? It is out of tune with their lives, as Berlin time would be with ours.

The imposition of someone else's time on a country is a classic Who Whom? question. It is done for the convenience of the one which imposes, and to emphasise the subject state of the one on which it is imposed, hence France's abject continued acceptance of a time zone first imposed on it by conquest, now by calls for 'European Unity'.

Think these symbolic measures are not of importance to the EU? Why then the EU flag on all British embassies, the EU stars on EU-supported projects, the EU blue tag on numberplates, etc?

The EU, a device for imposing German domination over Europe by peaceful means, often advances its agenda under cover, as was evidenced by the Jack de Manio affair and the Hughie Greene story in this week's MoS.

These both provide evidence that the EU cause has promoted itself by backstairs lobbying, without its own involvement being evident. This has happened in the past, and could well be happening now. I might add that one of the principal supporters of Lord Mountgarret's 1994 'Central European Time Bill', which failed in the Lords, was Lord (Roy) Jenkins, the arch-Europhile. In the debate (Hansard, 11th January 1994, House of Lords) both he and Lord Mountgarret denied any EU element in their cause, before anyone accused them of having such a cause. I wonder why it is that there have been so many such Bills, under so many different names, in the past 20 years. The current attempt is the seventh.

I might add that Lord Jenkins was the inventor of the famous 1968-71 experiment, during which we were on Berlin Time all winter (but not in the Summer), and during which road deaths in Great Britain actually rose (GB figures, source National Statistics).

1968: 6,810
1969: 7,365
1970: 7,499
1971: 7,699
1972: 7,763

And this in spite of speed limits and breathalysers, which as I said were introduced at the same time (not exactly the same time, but close enough for them to be having a measurable effect).

Since lower road casualties are such a keystone of the 'Darker Later' campaign (as it could equally well be called), this is quite interesting.

There is much else to add on this argument. I only urge those who have not already expressed their disquiet at this unpleasant scheme to write, e-mail or text.

If you want to comment on Peter Hitchens, click on Comments and scroll down.

Do I ever think of Giving Up in Despair? And Other Questions

A number of people have posted here in recent weeks wondering why I put up with the low level of some comments, their utter missing of the point, their personal spite, their claims (from a state of ignorance) that I have never examined topics which I have examined, or that I have said things that I haven't said.

Do I ever, as I contemplate this dismal swamp of incomprehension and malice, think of packing in the whole blog? Well, yes I do, about five times a day. But the response to my BBC posting has brought me pretty close actually to doing so. After years of debating the question of BBC bias, I finally obtain a documented and recorded instance of this indisputably happening. I provide links, transcripts and careful analysis. And what do I get? Thought? Reason? Acknowledgement by those who have hitherto denied BBC bias that I may be on to something? Considered criticism of my point? Articulate defence of the BBC?

Or might there be intelligent comment on my research into what actually happens in this country when a person is caught in possession of Cannabis, under the alleged 'War on Drugs'?

Well, not entirely.

A number of people posted as if I had written this contribution in search of sympathy or to complain about my lot. I said no such thing, and I desire no such thing. I have had redress (as I state) which is what I thought I was owed in natural justice. I am of course interested in the rules which govern who is invited on to the BBC about what and when. I tend to think that, compared with a left-wing equivalent (my friend Jonathan Freedland of the Guardian has an almost exactly parallel career trajectory, and frequently presents Radio 4 programmes, and good for him) or even a female 'right-wing' equivalent (my Associated Newspapers colleague and (sometimes) ally Melanie Phillips is on the regular panel of the 'Moral Maze' and good for her) I get measurably fewer broadcasting chances than I might reasonably expect. I won't here trouble readers with episodes known in detail only to me and certain BBC executives, which in my view offer solid proof of a bias against me that is not personal, but political. But I will state that they happened.

But when I wrote: ‘I don't actually mind having to conduct these fights, because I am used to them’, that is precisely what I meant. Likewise, when I wrote: ‘I don't at all object to Mr Webb's adversarial treatment of me. He should do it to everyone’, that too is exactly what I meant. How is this read (except in a mind blurred and fogged by malice and wilful misunderstanding) as self-pity or a plea for sympathy? It is the *wider significance* of these events that is important, not my individual feelings.

Nor do I agree with some posters that it is futile to analyse this and complain about it where the inequity is measurable and undoubted - as was so in this case. Perfection's not available. But improvements are sometimes possible - and the BBC, under a long bombardment of criticism that it slants to the Left, is slowly beginning to acknowledge that this is true. Eventually, this may have a practical effect, especially if the argument is pursued (as I have sought to do here) with carefully-assembled evidence and reasoned argument. I am told that Mark Thompson, the present DG, is deeply unpopular among BBC establishment people for his recent admission that the Corporation was biased to the left in the 1980s. They realise that this cat can never now be stuffed back in the bag.

Some contributors here don't seem to know (though the information is readily available on the web) that I did some years ago present a programme on the then Talk Radio, during which I sought to demonstrate in practice my theory that adversarial presenters were the best route to impartiality. I should like to do so again, but if readers here believe that all I need to do is to approach the present management of 'TalkSport' with such a suggestion, for it to be granted, they reveal a deep lack of understanding of how such things take place.

The arrangement (in this programme) worked pretty well with Derek Draper because he was *morally and culturally* on the left, the true divide. On good days it was a very effective programme. But it was not a success with other partners, Paul Routledge and Austin Mitchell, because in fact they shared some of my conservative positions on non-party issues. It is all very well saying that my suggestion of adversarial presenters on the BBC is foredoomed. Maybe it is, but it remains a workable and sensible idea, and if the BBC fails to implement it, then it demonstrates the nature of its problem. What alternative do these critics suggest? A British Fox?

To those who wrote as if I was in some way objecting to people being rude about me, and as if the matter was about my hurt pride. a few notes.

Anyone is free to be rude about me on this blog, a freedom many take advantage of. Their contributions are almost invariably posted, where coherent. In fact, the moderators used to come to me to ask about such things, as they are well-brought-up people with good manners who personally felt that such rudeness shouldn't be tolerated. But I insisted that it should be. Lies, as some contributors have found, will not be tolerated. That is a separate issue. But plenty of ad hominem stuff is.

And, as I frequently have cause to say, I have in my life been insulted by experts. When I stood out against the Left among the industrial reporters in the late seventies and early 1980s, I was personally vilified in many unpleasant and lasting ways. When I angered the Left in the 1992 election, and when I did it again over Cherie Blair's attempt to stand for Parliament, various journalists of the Left came after me in uncomplimentary and personalised ways. My books have been reviewed in vituperative and abusive ways (one of these so bad that the author later apologised for it) often by people who have not troubled to read them. And so on.

I don't pretend to enjoy this. But I accept it as a necessary and inevitable part of what I do. As Enoch Powell remarked, a politician complaining about the press is like a sailor complaining about the sea. A columnist complaining that people are rude about him is in the same fix. I doubt if many of those who accuse me of having a 'thin skin' could endure a week of what I have put up with for years. Few who make this sort of accusation have any idea of what they are talking about. What I object to is not the rudeness, but the dim incomprehension.

Should I smile more? There are extant photographs of me smiling. Anyone who has seen them will understand why I try not to do it anywhere near a camera.

Bored beyond measure by accusations of 'humourlessness', I once sat down to measure the laughter I won from audiences on 'Question Time' and 'Any Questions' (see particularly one broadcast from East Dorset in the late summer of 2009). I found it usually outdistanced that given to the other panellists. Sad, I know, but it seemed strange to me that the reputation could coexist with the facts until I understood that some reputations are so powerful that proof of their inaccuracy will simply be ignored.

I am officially humourless. Thus a person who laughs at one of my jokes is quite capable of saying, five minutes later, that I am humourless. This is yet another illustration of the problem that when people's opinions are challenged by reality, they don't change their minds. They shut down their perceptions.

Maynard Keynes famously said: ‘When the facts change I change my mind. What do you do, sir?’

He knew that the answer, in most cases, was that person involved would ignore, deny or suppress the facts.

The purpose of the long analysis, the quotations, the transcripts, the links to broadcasts and to learned research on (for instance) the dangers of cannabis to mental health, was to explore the issue of BBC bias, whose existence is in my view proven absolutely by this episode, in a way never achieved before. It was also to make readers think. In this, alas, I have plainly failed with a number of contributors here. But is the failing in me? Or in them?

If you want to comment on Peter Hitchens, click on Comments and scroll down.

16 November 2010 7:29 AM

The BBC's idea of Impartiality, versus mine. Some musings

AY39951617Professor David N

As promised, I reproduce below my own transcript of the 'Feedback' programme (now I think taken off the website, as they only last a week) in which I was criticised with no contemporaneous chance of defending myself. I have, as noted before, been given a satisfactory chance to set the record straight. But I should stress this would not have happened had not I and several other people protested pretty forcefully, and had I not insisted rather strongly that early offers of redress were insufficient.

So, while the BBC and the programme deserve some credit for putting the matter right in the end, they certainly don't deserve *all* the credit. And the issue remains of what this episode can fairly be taken to mean.

As I have said before, it needs to be taken together with the original exchange on the 'Today 'programme. This, by the way, was (as far as I can recall) my first appearance on that programme for about two years, perhaps longer. The last appearance I can remember was a discussion with my brother about his book 'God is not Great', during his promotional tour here in 2007.

The subsequent famine of invitations, which seemed to coincide with the Corporation's growing friendliness towards David Cameron, had itself been a noticeable change. For some years I had been invited on to the Today programme perhaps three or four times a year. I remember particularly an occasion where I debated with Lindsey German, of the Socialist Workers' Party, over whether the Left had triumphed or been beaten in modern Britain. I also spoke, more than once I think, about conservative reasons for opposing identity cards.

On this latest occasion, I was at a disadvantage from the start. I had been asked on because of my past criticisms and because of my known opposition to the views of Professor David Nutt. Yet the news bulletins of that day, and indeed the lengthy news reports, had portrayed Professor Nutt's Lancet Report as a serious and powerful scientific document. Before I could even begin to engage on the subject, I had to challenge this assumption, which is why I had spent several hours the previous evening going through the report again and again to see if its weaknesses could easily be explained in crisp terms.

I might add that I'm currently discussing with a publisher a book to be entitled 'The War We Never Fought - Britain's non-existent "war on drugs".''

Readers of the 'Abolition of Liberty' will be familiar with the case I make, and the views I set out, in the chapter entitled 'Evil Drug Dealers', written several years ago. And others will know how persistent I have been in warning that the dangers of cannabis are gravely understated. This warning has been increasingly borne out by growing piles of reputable research into mental illness among the young - certainly to the point where serious doubts must arise. I direct anyone interested in this to the work ofRobin Murray, Professor of Psychiatry at the Maudsley Hospital in London.

For a powerful anecdotal article on the subject, readers might wish to turn to Patrick Cockburn's heartbreaking account of the problems of his son Henry.

Anyone knowing or caring about this might at least be excused for wishing to get the point across as hard and fast as possible. They might even be excused for having a certain amount of 'passion' as they did so. Frankly, anyone not angered by official complacency and inaction over this grave danger to the young has something wrong with him. As for maintaining that someone is 'criminalised' when he is prosecuted and convicted for breaking an existing law, this is just language abuse. If what the person means is 'this should not be a criminal offence', he should say so. But anyone who knowingly chooses to break the criminal law is not 'criminalised'. He criminalises himself.

But Justin Webb, in his introduction, stated, as if this were a fact, that the report was 'a very serious scientifically-argued attack on current drugs legislation.'

I think this is, at the very least, arguable.

So I still think that this was a clear expression of partiality, which would tinge everything that happened subsequently.

I would hope by now that everyone interested has listened to the original thing.

Many have made comments, some of which I might endorse, and some of which are perhaps a little overstated, about the general conduct of the interview and how it did not favour me. Certainly it followed a sequence which assumed more or less that Professor Nutt was the establishment voice of reason, and I an outsider to be questioned more sceptically. Yet when we started into areas of hard fact, or indeed into discussion of the report itself, I was clearly equipped with facts (my attempt to mention the mental health dangers of cannabis had to be more or less wrestled on to the air over interruptions, as did my point that the criminal justice system is not interested in prosecuting possession of illegal drugs, only in supply).

I don't actually mind having to conduct these fights, because I am used to them. And on this occasion - and this is what I suspect got the goat of my critics, I was able (and this only because of my long experience of BBC interviews and their structure, in which I am never voluntarily given the vital last word) to state clearly that the report wasn't as scientific as it claimed to be, and to slam in the last word - an accusation of irresponsibility against the Professor for seeking to blur the distinction between legal and illegal drugs.

By the way, Professor Nutt in this conversation appears to say that 160,000 people were given criminal sanctions for cannabis possession last year (2009). I have been trying to track down this figure. The division of the Home Office into two parts does not help (nor does the increasing reliance of the government on the British Crime Survey, which is more like an opinion poll than classical crime statistics).

And what follows is a work in progress, to which I would welcome factual contributions and knowledgeable explanations. The Home Office recorded 162,610 cannabis possession offences in England and Wales in 2009. The 'Ministry of Justice' (how I shudder to acknowledge that this country has such a thing, usually a characteristic of a country without any Justice) has so far found (and this list is not definitive or complete) that in the same year police issued 11,491 penalty notices for cannabis possession, and a further 19,137 cautions for the same offence.

Meanwhile 22,748 cannabis offences came before the courts, of which 21,766 resulted in convictions. I am as yet unable to say what sentences were imposed, or what happened to the others. Maybe they were multiple offences committed by the same person. What I also cannot say (but strongly suspect) is that these cases came to court because the defendant involved was a persistent offender, the quantities of drug were exceptional, or he was charged with other offences at the same time, or all of these.

The idea that a young person, with no other criminal record, smoking cannabis in a private place is remotely likely to be imprisoned (or otherwise seriously sanctioned) or 'criminalised' for this offence seems to me to be laughable.

A fascinating insight into the recognised police procedure on this offence is given in this ACPO document.

I am trying to discover what legal status the 'Cannabis Warning' referred to in this document might have, whether it is equivalent to a caution, whether it forms part of a criminal record, or what.

Thus, it seems to me that the Today interview itself put me at a disadvantage, by assuming to be true (or failing to challenge) the assumptions of Professor Nutt, while treating my positions and contentions with a proper scepticism. I don't at all object to Mr Webb's adversarial treatment of me. He should do it to everyone, though I think he (and everyone else whose position is founded on licence money) should steer clear of stating contentious arguments as if they were fact. I just think the adversarial approach should have been applied equally to Professor Nutt.

But it is this inequality of treatment which leads directly to the 'Feedback' episode. Just as prison guards in bad countries can make it look as if their prisoners are struggling, so that they have the pretext to slug them and yank their chains, and thus the prisoners look like incorrigible troublemakers even as they seek to go meekly to their fate, a presenter who is adversarial only in certain directions can make some of his interviewees look like pesky interrupters whereas the others, not subjected to this treatment, all sound calm and serene.

This is bound to happen in an absurd BBC, where presenters are officially bound to pretend that they leave their opinions at the studio door - which is impossible - and where most BBC people share the same socially, morally and culturally liberal background, so aren't even aware that their views *are* views

This is why I have long argued for programmes such as 'Today' to have pairs of adversarial presenters, whose views are known and acknowledged, and who fall on either side of the liberal/conservative divide, so ensuring that everyone gets properly grilled by someone who has no sympathy with him.

So, assuming for a moment that Feedback's principal job is to launch 6-minute show trials (in their absence) of occasional contributors to Radio 4, then it was the handling of the issue on 'Today' which allowed 'Feedback' to do this to me. If Professor Nutt and I had been equally roughed up, then he too would have been constrained to interrupt, to interject and to use the techniques of the underdog.

Of course, what I describe above is absolutely not the job of 'Feedback'. Its targets are supposed to be established BBC presenters and executives, not outsiders who are briefly on air in programmes edited and presented by others. But of course Feedback covered this angle by suggesting that 'Today' had been at fault in having me on, and seeking a contribution from 'Today' - while somehow failing to notice that the whole item consisted of a group of people queuing up to say how dreadful I am, and of course the suggestion that I should be taken off the programme's address book.

But why was this double assumption (Hitchens is self-evidently awful, therefore 'Today' were automatically wrong to have him on, case closed), apparently viewed as axiomatic by 'Feedback' at the time - and never questioned by anyone in the BBC hierarchy? It would be very interesting to know. Does anyone in authority actually listen to such things before they are transmitted (or while they are being transmitted)?

So despite their eventual decision to give me the chance to respond, the next question is: 'How did the idea of subjecting me to such a show trial manage to get past the presenter, the producer and whoever commissions Feedback, and whoever checks recorded programmes before they are aired (not once but twice)? What sort of culture can exist in the BBC, where nobody spotted in time that it was wrong? For there is no doubt that it was wrong, or why was I allowed to respond as I did?

Transcript of ‘Feedback’ item broadcast BBC Radio 4, on 5th and 7th November 2010

About 2 minutes 58 seconds into the programme (the item lasts a few seconds short of six minutes, one fifth of the running time).

Roger Bolton:

'An editor in want of a lively discussion to inject some energy and passion into an otherwise rather dry programme is almost certain to have a list of guests who will always turn up and turn on. However, sometimes there is a danger that of part of the audience being turned off, which is what happened at 8.45 am last Monday on Radio Four.

'The Mail on Sunday columnist Peter Hitchens can always be relied upon for moral indignation and rarely hesitates to play the man as well as the ball. Some think he delivers more heat than light - but he certainly wakes up the audience

'His opponent on this occasion was Professor David Nutt, who had been invited on to the Today programme to talk about his latest study comparing the harmful effects of alcohol and hard drugs. The Professor concludes that while other drugs like heroin are more harmful to the individual, alcohol does most damage to society as a whole and that we should review the way we categorise all drugs.

'Mr Hitchens was suspicious of the Professor's motives. Is what follows an enlightening debate which succeeds in clarifying the issues for the listener?'

[There then follows a brief and in my view misleading extract from the Today programme, in which I am both faded down (I was in Oxford) and interrupted by the presenter. Both ‘Feedback’ and the ‘Today’ episode can be heard on Radio 4’s listen again facility]

Then Mr Bolton continued: 'The Today programme's treatment of the issue and Mr Hitchens's contribution were just not good enough, says Guy Johnson.'

"I was livid and he wouldn't even let the guy say anything. He was just trying to shout him down which is kind of schoolyard rubbish"

New voice : "I'm not always in agreement with Dr Nutt, what I would have liked to see was a more cogent and coherent argument as to why the study was flawed"

New voice: "I am a head teacher. I run an 11-18 secondary school in Southampton. The report was essentially hijacked by Mr Hitchens's conclusions. From what I could see, Hitchens did not have any specific specialist knowledge of the topic. He's a foreign affairs and politics specialist if he's anything."

Roger Bolton: 'Thanks to Jacob Schell (unsure of spelling) who has worked with substance misusers for many years, and to Julian Thould (unsure of spelling).

'Dr Adrian Williams also contacted us. He is a research scientist at Cranfield University in Bedfordshire.

'He popped into the Feedback studio on his way back from a conference at Westminster to tell me what he thought of the interview.'

Roger Bolton continues: 'Dr Williams, Peter Hitchens described Dr Nutt's paper as "pseudo-scientific". You've read the report in the Lancet. Was that a fair comment?'

Dr Williams: 'No, I think it was totally unfair. I think Peter Hitchens clearly fails to understand the scientific method. He admitted as much, that he didn't even know what peer reviewing was. And I don't think he actually read it adequately. He obviously didn't understand the basic method of multi-criteria analysis that was described in a lot of detail and I think his criticism was totally unfair.'

Roger Bolton: 'Who would have been the right person to create a more balanced debate? Because there's a lot of division in the country about what we should do about drugs?'

Dr Williams: 'Absolutely. But I think you need someone with a good understanding of drugs and also the method that was applied in this particular study which was this multi-criteria analysis where you try to balance different sorts of impacts such as the individual's health, criminality, other wider damage to society and things like that. Which is not something that everybody understands fully. But it would be important to understand that in order to have an adequate debate on the subject.'

Roger Bolton: 'But somebody like Peter Hitchens does share the views of quite a significant part of the population and he's obviously very vigorous and interesting. People certainly will remember that discussion.'

Dr Williams: 'I think it will be remembered for the wrong reasons. He does seem to rant on and on - and I don't think he gave Professor Nutt an adequate opportunity to explain what had gone in the study. And I think by denigrating the quality of science without justification he was putting forward his own views completely at the expense of a study that was attempting to take an objective, balanced view.'

Roger Bolton: 'Do you think this is typical of some current affairs programmes like Today, that perhaps they're looking for heat rather than light?'

Dr Williams: 'I think there is probably a tendency to get people on who will talk in an animated way about a subject and perhaps give a good radio presence. But they don't necessarily actually inform the listenership in the way that a responsible programme should. What worries me about it is that there are probably a good number of people who have not got a strong background in science who may be sceptical and believe that someone who talks so vocally and vigorously and denigrates it in the way he did and actually believes he has a good scientific reason for putting across that point of view - when I am sure the reality is that he doesn't.'

Roger Bolton: 'So your advice to the editor of the Today programme - if he is listening (though I think he's in China at the moment) - is what?'

Dr Williams: 'I would consider an article like that - to consider the people in the BBC who actually work on science programmes. There are some admirable ones on the R4 network to do with science, Quentin Cooper, Geoff Watts, the medical ones, several I would contact. Those are the people first of all and discuss with them who would be a good person to discuss a paper of this sort.'

Roger Bolton: 'And remove Peter Hitchens from your phone book, I gather.'

Dr Williams: 'I think I would agree with that absolutely.'

A lot of stuff follows here about failed efforts to get an editor from the Today programme to appear (the editor and his deputy were both abroad at the time) ending with the words from Mr Bolton: 'We will not let them forget', as if they were guilty fugitives.

A statement from the Today programme is then read:

'We wanted to tease out with Professor Nutt the political dimension of the drugs debate. Peter Hitchens has long taken an interest in this area and it's not uncommon for the programme to turn to newspaper columnists when casting discussions. We felt both sides got the chance to make their main points and as far as we know neither felt hard done by. The discussion was reasonably robust but we felt there was light as well as heat generated, and the e-mails to the programme seemed to confirm that.'

Transcript ends.


If you want to comment on Peter Hitchens, click on Comments and scroll down.

15 November 2010 10:18 AM

Don’t let them force you to live your life on Berlin Time

AY53558506AC1N8A The Shephe

Sooner than you think, we could all be living our lives on Berlin Time, an hour ahead of GMT in winter and two hours ahead of GMT in summer.

Such time is fine for that great and historic city, you might say. But Berlin is 580 miles and 15 degrees of longitude east of Greenwich, which means that the sun rises and sets there an hour earlier than it does in England.

The German capital, quite reasonably, does not fix its clocks to the time in Kiev or Minsk. Nor does it seem to suffer greatly by refusing to do so. So why should it be thought sensible for us to live as if we were far further east than we are?

And especially why should the people of the North of England and Scotland do so, when it will mean black darkness till around ten o’clock in the morning in the winter months?

According to Rebecca Harris, a chirpy, enthusiastic young Tory MP, this is a price worth paying for the many sparkling advantages of living our lives in step with Berliners. She believes that later, lighter afternoons in winter – and even later ones in summer – will make the roads safer, make old people less lonely, reduce crime, save energy and boost business.

She has all kinds of studies that appear to prove this, and is supported by a mass of pressure groups that agree with her.

My own impression is that many of these claims are pretty much guesswork. Shifting the clocks about changes less than you might think. The amount of actual daylight remains the same. It is just available at different times of day.

There was an experiment between 1968 and 1971, when we stayed on Summer Time all the year round – and lower road casualties for this period are often cited as an argument for the change. But the same years saw the introduction of roadside breath tests and the 70mph speed limit, so it is hard to claim that lighter evenings and darker mornings are solely responsible – or even to be sure that they are responsible at all.

Evenings are more dangerous than mornings on the roads, especially in these days of cheap alcohol and all-day opening, and of sparse police patrols, because drivers have had more time to drink too much. Light and dark make little difference to that.

But Mrs Harris’s well-supported Bill is well on its way anyway, unlike several similar efforts on the subject over the past dozen years. These all ended in defeat, as did the 1968-71 experiment.

But this one is different. An active and busy lobby seems to have got behind this measure, as any careful student of the media will have spotted. How did all those breezy, uncritical articles come to be written? How did the Prime Minister find the time to imply his own support?

It goes before Parliament on Friday, December 3, and if passed it will trigger the first steps towards this momentous change, possibly separating us for ever from the Greenwich Mean Time which we invented.

We have done this before – but only in the desperate days of wartime, when it was necessary to keep munitions workers at their benches, and farm labourers out in the fields, as long as possible.

But do we really need it now? In fact, might it not be a positive disadvantage to many, and not just those living in the North or Scotland? It is all very well for businessmen who wish to telephone colleagues in Frankfurt, Paris or Rome, though a one-hour difference is really not that hard to manage. But shoving us an hour eastwards would narrow the window in which we can speak to the US, especially to the increasingly crucial West Coast, which would be nine or even ten hours behind us.

In any case, clocks and times are not arbitrary. They measure the objective passage of time, which is governed by the rotation of the Earth. We do not have the power to change this.

Anyone who does much flying knows the unsettling effect even of a small shift in time on the human frame. This is because our clocks are out of synchronisation with our surroundings. What is being proposed is that this should now be our fate for ever. When our clocks say it is noon, or midnight, they will always be lying. For the summer months, they will be lying twice as hard.

PM19341006The Royal Observa

Why Berlin time, anyway? This is the question nobody likes to discuss. Why are Sweden, Germany, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Sicily, and everyone else on the Berlin time line, not required to experience the alleged benefits being offered by Rebecca Harris and her friends? It is hard to understand why – if it is so good for us – it is not good for them.

But it is easy to see that since 1893, when Kaiser Wilhelm II’s arrogant and expansionist new German Empire adopted Mitteleuropaische Zeit (Central European Time to you), German power has been forcing its ideas of time on the rest of the Continent. First in 1914, and with redoubled force after 1940, the conquered nations of the Continent were instructed rather sharply to shift their clocks forward to suit the needs of German soldiers and German railways and German business.

A map of the present Central European Time Zone looks disturbingly like a map of a certain best-forgotten empire of 70 years ago. Would it really be silly to suspect that the neatness and standardisation fanatics of Brussels and Frankfurt, who have abolished almost every border in Europe, devised the European arrest warrant and the Euro passport and the European number plate and the European flag – and imposed a single currency on almost every state – would not also like a single time zone?

But wouldn’t it also be fatal to their desire if people in Britain recognised that this was what was going on? Are the smiley, optimistic ‘daylight-saving’ lobby perhaps useful idiots in someone else’s campaign? Rebecca Harris emphatically says that this is not so. But then, if it were, would she know?

Anyone in Britain who wants to live by Berlin time is welcome to do so, just as they are welcome to breakfast on bratwurst. There are good arguments, too, for schools and offices in some parts of the country to open earlier and close earlier in the dark months from November to February.

But that is quite different from our whole country being permanently shifted on to foreign time.

It is not too late to stop Mrs Harris’s curious Bill if enough MPs – more responsive to the public than they once were since their recent embarrassments – can be persuaded by public protest to vote against it.

If we are foolish enough to hurry down this path, it is by no means certain that we shall ever be allowed back if we decide we do not like it. Once we have fallen in, who would be surprised by a quiet Brussels Directive making the change permanent, whatever Parliament does? Now is the time to save our own time.

Register your support by mailing your name and address to BritishTime@mailonsunday.co.uk or by printing off the form here and returning it to British Time Campaign, Mail on Sunday, 2 Derry Street, London W8 5TS.

13 November 2010 6:24 PM

Poor old IDS...a decent man who’s been conned by the Fake Conservatives

This is Peter Hitchens' Mail on Sunday column

Iainduncansmith

For many years, most British Governments have followed a policy best called Fake Conservatism. This involves loudly pretending to do what the public wants. But while the country is distracted by these stunts and spectaculars, the Cabinet gets on with its real task of turning Britain into a multi-culti socialist Euro-Province.

That is why the most painful example of this policy is the vainglorious and often damaging use by Anthony Blair of our once-superb Armed Forces, in places where Britain has no national interest.

Meanwhile, he compelled those same Armed Forces to surrender to the criminal gang called the IRA, the only recent war in which our soldiers were used for proper national ends. He also crippled them with cuts.

Then there was Blunkettism. This began with a pretence that we were going to ‘sack bad teachers’, ‘raise school standards’ and so on, though of course continuing to ban selection by ability, the only thing that would do any good.

All that in fact happened was a great deal of testing, whose results were promptly rigged to suggest success. The outcome was that illiteracy, classroom disorder and low standards continued exactly as before, if not worse.

But before this was obvious, David Blunkett had moved on to the area of crime. Here too he was highly successful in improving the statistics, without improving the conditions.

Then there was terrorism, a perfect area for distraction. The Government could pretend to protect us against Osama Bin Laden, or some other sinister, hooded, bearded person crouched in a cave in Yemen, while failing to protect our homes against burglars – and so look decisive and ‘tough’.

We reached the stage long ago when most thinking people could spot that this stuff was false coinage. Any sensible adult, hearing the word ‘crackdown’, instantly suspects that he is being gulled. But most of the media, being happy to act as the spokesmen and spokeswomen of power, duly report this bilge as if it were true.

Well, now we have the same thing happening with welfare. Mr Blair’s New Labour Government is ably headed by his understudy David Cameron – while Mr Blair is on leave of absence addressing conventions of lavatory-paper makers. And among its many mini-Blunketts is poor old Iain Duncan Smith, a decent man fallen among liberals. IDS has indeed thought a lot about welfare.

But his colleagues forbade him to think about the real problem. This is that, since the catastrophic Labour Government of 1964-1970, the welfare state has deliberately encouraged parasitism, as well as flooding the country with professional social workers.

Nor can he actually do anything about the suicidal subsidy to single-mother families, which has helped destroy fatherhood and wreck our society.

So the IDS scheme will not work, and is certainly not the ‘historic’ document the servile BBC makes it out to be. But for a while it will stave off demands for a real reform. And when we wake up to the truth, we will be another dozen irrecoverable steps down the dark and crumbling stairway that leads to national extinction.

Sorry about that. I did warn you what would happen if you voted Tory.

Finally, a ‘family’ that Hollywood approves of

So that you don’t have to, I have been to see the cosy lesbian film The Kids Are All Right, currently top of the cinema charts among our fashionable elite. I can’t really recommend it, mainly because of the needless amount of four-letter language and the equally needless bedroom scenes, during which I checked my (silent) mobile phone for text messages and missed calls.

But it does contain some interesting things. It portrays a stable, two-parent family sympathetically, and assumes it is a good thing and deserves to survive. Hollywood doesn’t do this for heterosexual marriage, preferring to defame the respectable suburbs in such rubbish as American Beauty and Revolutionary Road. It hints humorously at the possibility that even a lesbian couple aren’t all that wild about one of their children turning out to be homosexual. It notices the cool, grown-up contempt many of today’s young feel for their babyish, spoiled, Sixties-generation parents. And it is remarkably just and condemnatory about the cruel selfishness of men who don’t take fatherhood seriously.

The superficially charming sperm-donor character, who reappears in his offspring’s lives, is eventually dismissed by one of them with the quietly devastating words: ‘I wish you’d been better.’

I think today’s young are entitled to say that about my entire generation.

Did the Milibands really wear it with pride?

Edward Miliband and his Unwife are pictured with their new baby in posed shots. Father and mother are both, weirdly, wearing Remembrance Poppies on their indoor clothes (in her case, possibly her nightie).

Some questions arise. Why isn’t the baby wearing one? And are we supposed to believe that these people – one the atheist scion of one of Britain’s most glacially Marxist families, the other a pointedly unmarried London trendy – are wearing poppies because of their conservative pro-military patriotism? Or because the British Left have decided that this is a good way to try to fool people that they are really normal?

Personally I prefer the honest position taken by Channel 4 News’s Jon Snow, who says he will wear his poppy in church but not on TV.

In these days when parliamentary whips hand out poppies to MPs, and the BBC hands them out to guests, they are no longer a sign that you have given to the British Legion. So not wearing one (and this year I started to do so only on Thursday)
is not a sign that you haven’t given.

Don’t swallow the riot baloney

Speaking as a former student rioter, who has repented of his ways, I would advise the Government to pay absolutely no attention to such people – let alone to accept the baloney that such events, mostly involving sons of the suburbs, are a sign of real discontent. Riots in free countries are not deep expressions of woe or oppression. They are a bit of fun for those taking part.

Every time I read about the so-called Poll-Tax Riots, reverently described as some sort of turning point, I grind my teeth. There may have been problems with the Poll Tax (though after 20 years of the deeply unfair Council Tax, maybe it deserves another look). And it may have played badly in the focus groups. But if anyone in Government was – or is now – influenced by the irruption of a load of violent, destructive yahoos into Central London, they should be ashamed of themselves.

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How the Chinese dictatorship must chortle at the idea that Britain is in a position to lecture Peking about its persecution of dissenters. Having chased us out of Hong Kong by merely frowning, China knows that our pretence of being a major world player is just that. If Mr Cameron is really concerned with liberty, there is much work to be done at home. In any case, giving a man moral advice while asking him for business is never a good idea.

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I am still waiting for Saint Matthew Parris to apologise for misrepresenting me at a public debate earlier this month.