The following is research published today from MEMRI’s Inquiry and Analysis Series and TV Project. Inquiry & Analysis No. 753—Egypt By: L. Azuri Since the Egyptian revolution, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) has come to play a central and overt role in the political arena; it is one of the most organized and popular movements in the country, especially in comparison to new movements that have recently arisen. Whereas the MB was outlawed and persecuted under the previous regime, since the revolution, it has entered a golden age. It has formed an official political party, the Freedom and Justice Party, and established large centers in Egypt's major cities, and its members have a strong presence in the media and in decision-making circles. One clear indication of its growing power was its landslide victory in the teachers' union and doctors' union elections, which took place over the last two months. Its representatives were elected to the leading roles in these unions, replacing members of the former ruling party, the National Democratic Party (NDP). Over the past months, the MB has led a campaign pushing to hold parliamentary and presidential elections as soon as possible and opposing proposals to postpone these elections until after the new constitution is drawn up. This campaign was presumably motivated by the MB's desire to take advantage of its strength and its current advantage over the new political forces, which have not yet had time to organize and solidify. The outcome of the upcoming parliamentary elections is seen as crucial, because the stream that wins the majority will have a great deal of influence in the drafting of the new constitution and thus on the character and identity of the new Egypt. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' (SCAF) insistence on parliamentary elections prior to the drafting of the constitution, as the MB is also demanding, has led many to claim that the two have formed an alliance. This claim was strengthened by the appointment of MB member Tariq Al-Bishri to head the Constitution Amendment Committee, which was established in February 2011 and whose recommendations were later approved by referendum, by the MB's campaign to secure this approval, and by the meager MB presence at the mass demonstrations against the SCAF and its policies. However, a rift emerged between the two bodies in August 2011, when the SCAF failed to include MB members in the governmental committee established to draft "super-constitutional principles" that are to underlie the new constitution. It should be noted that MB Supreme Guide Dr. Muhammad Badi' has repeatedly denied the existence of any deal with the SCAF. Since the revolution, the MB leadership has made efforts to allay fears in Egypt and in the world that the movement plans to take power in the country. Immediately following the revolution, the leadership declared that the MB would not field a presidential candidate and that its party would not seek to gain a majority in parliament, but would run for no more than one third of the seats, as part of an alliance of Islamic and non-Islamic parties. However, in the months since the revolution, senior MB officials have announced the Freedom and Justice Party's plans to field party candidates running for more than 50% of the parliamentary seats, as part of an alliance allowing the MB party to maintain the lion's share, in addition to fielding independent candidates in the elections. The MB's strength is also likely to gain from the fact that the independent candidates running for president include figures affiliated with and former members of the MB. Some of them have established parties that could draw voters away from the MB; however, these parties are likely to increase the overall weight of the Islamic bloc in the parliament and thus its influence in government circles. The MB has set out its vision for post-revolutionary Egypt in a number of documents and statements. Both the movement and its political party endorsed the Al-Azhar Document; as part of the Democratic Alliance for Egypt, an alliance the MB party formed with dozens of other parties, the Freedom and Justice Party drafted guidelines for the constitution that are broadly similar to those laid out in the Al-Azhar Document. In addition, the party has posted a detailed elections platform on its website which sets out its political doctrine. The main points of this doctrine will be discussed below, and will be compared to the draft platform published by the MB in 2007. To read the full report, visit http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/5745.htm. Special Dispatch No. 4223— Egypt Following are excerpts from an interview with Egyptian cleric and presidential candidate Hazem Abu Ismail, which aired on CBC TV on September 12, 2011. To view this clip on MEMRI TV, visit http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/3147.htm. Hazem Abu Ismail: "We are talking about a 'civil state' in three senses: The people elect the ruler, the people hold the ruler accountable, and the people depose the ruler if he loses his legitimacy." [...] Interviewer: "Should we shut down the beaches, or what?" To read the full report, visit http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/5746.htm.
MEMRI Daily: October 25, 2011
Egypt's Islamic Camp, Once Suppressed by Regime, Now Taking Part in Shaping New Egypt – Part II:
Muslim Brotherhood Prepares for Parliamentary, Presidential Elections
Egyptian Cleric and Presidential Candidate Hazem Abu Ismail: 'I Am an Enemy of the Camp David Accord and the Peace Agreement'
Tuesday, 25 October 2011
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