The so called Arab Spring
I noted what the true meaning of it was about.
Here are two paragraphs from it. XXXXXXXXXXXA
I will end this section with President Barroso,
“As the turmoil continues, the European Union flag flies proudly in Freedom Square, Benghazi.
This flag and the office beneath it is a tangible and symbolic sign that the European Union is ready to support the people of this region.”
Aw! Ain’t that nice!
It is noted that the Barcelona Process (a.k.a.. the Euro-Med Process) was launched during the 1995 Spanish Presidency between the EU and its Mediterranean Partners-Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestinian Authority, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey (Libya has observer status since 1999)- with the aim of building “a space of dialogue, peace, security and shared prosperity”.
It was President Sarkozy’s idea of a “Union of the Mediterranean” and what became “The UMed Process was eventually launched in November 2008.
Now, a couple of years later the second Umed Summit which was due to take place 21 November 2010 was postponed because of the lack of progress on a resumption of Direct talks in the Middle East Peace process, no new date set.
The European Neighbourhood Policy was first proposed by the Commission in 2003-2004 as a framework policy through which an enlarged EU could strengthen and deepen relations with its 16 closest neighbours.
(Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Moldova, Morocco, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Syria, Tunisia and Ukraine)
a view to counteracting risks of marginalisation for the neighbouring countries which had not participated in the historic 2004 enlargement and therefore ensuring the strengthening of a shared area of prosperity, stability and security. (From Commission Communication:
A new response to a changing Neighbourhood .
Foreign and Commonwealth Office 20, June 2011 European Council).
Market Economy for Syria
2012/05/30
Self-Empowered
Late last week, a multinational "Working Group," co-chaired by Germany, met for the first time in Abu Dhabi, with the aim of launching urgent economic measures for immediately following the overthrow of the Assad regime. The "Working Group on Economic Recovery and Development of the Friends of the Syrian People" was established April 1 in Istanbul by the "Group of Friends of the Syrian People," an alliance of western and pro-western countries, which support the Syrian opposition in the civil war and are cooperating mainly with the exiled Syrian National Council (SNC). The UN Security Council has neither legitimized the "Group of Friends of the Syrian People" nor this "Working Group on Economic Recovery and Development of the Friends of the Syrian People," which has empowered itself to serve as a "central forum" for launching necessary economic measures.[1]
Germany in Charge
According to German diplomat, Clemens von Goetze, who, along with a colleague from the United Arab Emirates, had co-chaired the meeting last week, the "Working Group" not only has plans for emergency aid for the immediate aftermath of the regime change, but he finds "it is a good time already to start now for a long-term perspective of the country once change comes in Syria."[2] The Marshall Plan, implemented by the United States after World War II, to provide the material foundation for the establishment of the Western alliance, serves as a model. The "Working Group" set up several sub-committees along the lines of special issues. The member countries have officially agreed on an international division of labor, with Germany in charge of "economic policy and reform." According to reports, the explicit goal is a "long term strategy" [3] for the transition "from a centralized economy to a market economy." The "Working Group" will set up a secretariat, with Germany and the United Arab Emirates each providing 600,000 Euros. It will be headed by Gunnar Wälzholz, of Germany, who had been the director of the Afghanistan branch of the German Development Bank (KFW).
Carrot and Stick
According to a participant at last week's meeting, the measures to be taken under German management will also include short-term goals. The economic projects are aimed at "attracting the silent sectors in Syria which did not completely join or which are still hesitant in supporting the revolt."[4] These projects are therefore a sort of counterpart to the economic sanctions, which are also aimed at inciting entrepreneurs, loyal to the regime, to change sides - under pressure rather than through incentive. Thus, the "Working Group" has declared that the sanctions can be lifted "as soon as their objectives have been achieved" - i.e. after Assad's overthrow, which would be facilitated if interested business circles would change sides.[5]
Consequences of Liberalization
For years, Berlin has been promoting the privatization of the Syrian economy, now being conferred to the "Working Group" - for an extended period in close cooperation with Assad's regime. In 2006, the German development organization GTZ (today GIZ) had initiated a special program entitled "Supporting economic reform in Syria." According to its description, "in 2000, the Syrian Government decided to switch to a social market economy," but "the institutions involved do not have sufficient knowledge," which is why the GTZ has to aid the government.[6] The reform's "expected impact on income and employment will improve the lives of the Syrian population," continues the GTZ - an prognosis that simply did not materialize. Quite to the contrary: the liberalization of the Syrian economy had "harmful effects" on the local manufacturing trade, as the International Crisis Group confirmed last year. For example in Duma, a suburb of Damascus, the residence or numerous artisans, who, facing ruin by the liberalization, renounced their loyalty to the regime.[7] In fact, today Duma is considered a hotbed of protest. Last January, the insurgents briefly took complete control of the town.
Visions
The SNC's "National Economic Vision" was presented in Abu Dhabi to the German led "Working Group" by Osama Kadi, executive director of SNC's Finance and Economic Affairs Bureau. This vision indicates that the liberalization would provide a higher living standard only "in the long run." A reliable framework for foreign investments must first be established, the productivity of Syrian workers must be increased, the establishment of industries, accelerated, the bank sector, reformed and new foreign business deals, sought. The "Marshall Syrian Recovery Plan," which should be implemented as soon as possible, could attract more direct investments from the West. The "Working Group's" German led "secretariat" will assist in the implementation of the plan, following Assad's overthrow and a regime change in Damascus.
As in Kosovo
The SNC, which is working in close cooperation with the West within the framework of the "Working Group" and whose staff members are willful candidates for future leadership positions, is heavily contested within the opposition. Secular oriented opponents of the regime are resolutely protesting the predominance of the Muslim Brotherhood in the SNC. Large sectors of the Syrian opposition are resenting the fact that leading SNC members are openly calling for western military intervention. For example, the National Coordination Committee (NCC), an alliance of oppositional forces inside Syria strictly opposes western military operations. The West hardly takes notice of the NCC. Radwan Ziadeh, the SNC's "Director of Foreign Relations," who, like SNC's economic specialist Osama Kadi, works for the Washington based Syrian Center for Political and Strategic Studies, has repeatedly pronounced himself in favor of Kosovo-style operations. "Kosovo shows how the west can intervene in Syria," declared Ziadeh, who had already visited Berlin's foreign ministry in July 2011, in the Financial Times last February.[8] Soon afterwards he explained that the Free Syrian Army militia plays the same role, as the KLA had in Kosovo.[9] Syrian oppositional forces recently visited Kosovo for instructions on KLA operations in 1999. (german-foreign-policy.com reported [10]). The "Houla massacre," to extend the metaphor, could take on the significance of the "Racak massacre" in early 1999. Soon after the "Racak massacre," evidence was uncovered pointing toward it having been a provocation to furnish a casus belli. It has never been credibly invalidated, but this did not hamper NATO's military intervention.
Further information and background to German policy toward Syria can be found here: War Threats against Syria, Iran's Achilles Heel, War Scenarios for Syria, War Scenarios for Syria (II) and With the UN toward Escalation.
[1] Chairman's Conclusions. Second Conference of The Group of Friends of the Syrian People, Istanbul, 1 April 2012
[2] Donors Mull Marshall Plan for Post-Conflict Syria; www.naharnet.com 25.05.2012
[3] Assad verbreitet Zuversicht; www.faz.net 24.05.2012
[4] Donors Mull Marshall Plan for Post-Conflict Syria; www.naharnet.com 25.05.2012
[5] Chairmen's Conclusions of the International Meeting of the Working Group on Economic Recovery and Development of the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, Abu Dhabi, 24 May 2012
[6] Unterstützung der syrischen Wirtschaftsreform; www.gtz.de
[7] Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (VI): The Syrian People's Slow Motion Revolution; International Crisis Group Middle East/North Africa Report No 108, 6 Juli 2011
[8] Kosovo shows how the West can intervene in Syria; www.ft.com 14.02.2012
[9] Radwan Ziadeh: Have We Learned Nothing From the Nineties? Syria is the Balkans All Over Again; www.tnr.com 22.03.2012
[10] see also With the UN toward Escalation
[2] Donors Mull Marshall Plan for Post-Conflict Syria; www.naharnet.com 25.05.2012
[3] Assad verbreitet Zuversicht; www.faz.net 24.05.2012
[4] Donors Mull Marshall Plan for Post-Conflict Syria; www.naharnet.com 25.05.2012
[5] Chairmen's Conclusions of the International Meeting of the Working Group on Economic Recovery and Development of the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, Abu Dhabi, 24 May 2012
[6] Unterstützung der syrischen Wirtschaftsreform; www.gtz.de
[7] Popular Protest in North Africa and the Middle East (VI): The Syrian People's Slow Motion Revolution; International Crisis Group Middle East/North Africa Report No 108, 6 Juli 2011
[8] Kosovo shows how the West can intervene in Syria; www.ft.com 14.02.2012
[9] Radwan Ziadeh: Have We Learned Nothing From the Nineties? Syria is the Balkans All Over Again; www.tnr.com 22.03.2012
[10] see also With the UN toward Escalation
Iran's Achilles Heel
2012/02/06
Anti-Assad "Contact Group"
According to German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle's declaration last weekend at the Munich Security Conference, the Russian-Chinese veto of the recent UN Security Council draft resolution on the Situation in Syria was "a wrong decision and a decision against the people" of Syria.[1] Russia and China had just blocked a resolution in the deciding body of the United Nations. Since the West used the Security Council vote creating a "No-Fly Zone" over Libya to legitimize an aerial war on that country, the same can be expected in conflicts, in the near future, where the permanent members of the Security Council have divergent interests. With this artistry of interpretation, any resolution could probably serve to justify going into combat. Westerwelle has now announced his intentions to form a "contact group" to coordinate the West's and its Arab allies' anti-Syrian activities, thus adding a “new dynamic” to the conflict.[2] As was confirmed by numerous statements at the Munich Security Conference, which drew to a close yesterday, Europe and the USA still agree that the Assad regime must be overthrown.
Bloody Slaughter
What remains uncertain is to what extent pro-western countries are furnishing weapons to the armed contingents of the Syrian rebels. For months there have been reports of the Qatar Emirate being militarily engaged in Syria.[3] If this proves to be true, it would be a repeat performance of what took place in Libya, where it was also being alleged that the rebels of the country were fighting all alone against the Gadhafi regime. However, today it is widely known that not only western secret services but also the Qatari military were providing decisive support from the beginning in the war on Gadhafi. In Syria, all indications now point to both sides being involved in deadly attacks on the civilian population. Even the report of the Arab League's monitor mission listed not only attacks carried out by the military, but also terror attacks by the rebels, for example against a civilian bus and a freight train. Information from Homs, according to the report, indicates that the French journalist was killed by a mortar round fired by the opposition. Yesterday, Catholic Archbishop of Aleppo, Jean-Clément Jeanbart, reported that the rebels had killed several dozens of Christians in Homs.[4] "Extremists and mercenaries" are infiltrating into "Syria from Turkey, Iraq, Jordan, Libya or Pakistan." Islamist militias have killed at least 2,000 civilians. The victims were "often (...) tortured, mutilated, and then murdered."
The Last Arab Ally
The civil war escalating between the Assad regime, until early 2011 a close western cooperation partner,[5] and the insurgents, the current western partners, falls in line with the West's geo-strategic plans against Iran. According to a press report from Israel, the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Palestinian Hamas are clearly distancing themselves from Iran, and Syria, "Teheran's last Arab ally," weakened by the insurgency against Assad, is now too preoccupied with itself. The former Mossad chief Efraim Halevy is quoted referring to Syria as "Iran's Achilles heel" and demanding a reduction of Iranian influence in that country. A weakened Iran would open "enormous opportunities" for the West.[6] The complete overthrow of the Assad regime possibly would not even be necessary. Its international isolation, through supporting one party to the civil war, may suffice. This objective has already been attained.
Political PR
The human rights theme used by Berlin and the West for political PR - a novelty for Syria - has been facilitated by the constellation of forces in the Syrian conflict. Human Rights circles had disapproved of West Germany's intensification of its cooperation with the Syrian secret services only a few years after the 1982 Hama massacre. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[7]) These services had strongly repressed the opposition inside the country and a few years ago aided Berlin in interrogations of suspected Islamists. In 2002, officials from the German Federal Intelligence Service (BND), the German Federal Office of Criminal Investigation (BKA) and from the domestic political secret police were allowed to interrogate the German citizen Mohammed Haydar Zammar in Damascus, after he had been prepared through torture.[8] The 2009 German Syrian deportation agreement, enabling Berlin to deport political refugees to the Assad regime, had also been protested.[9] Human rights organizations have been protesting against all of the measures - to no avail. However, some of these organizations are eager to serve as "human rights" fig leaves for western foreign policy operations. Last weekend, the executive director of Human Rights Watch, Kenneth Roth, spoke at the Munich Security Conference. "Shame" was the word he used, not to describe the long-standing cooperation between Germany and the Syrian torture regime, but to describe the Russian-Chinese veto against the UN Security Council draft resolution supported by Berlin and the West.[10]
No Right of Residence
At the same time, the German government has demonstrated over the past few days that its alleged engagement on behalf of the Syrian opposition is nothing more than a cynical PR maneuver. At the end of January, it explicitly refused to enact a formal moratorium on deportations of Syrian refugees. This means that the deportation agreement reached between Berlin and the Assad regime remains in force. Just last week, four Syrian refugees were deported from Munich to Budapest, from where they had departed for Germany. As the Bavarian Council for Refugees reports, two of the deportees had fled out of fear of being drafted into the military and having to shoot demonstrators. "They were afraid, they, themselves, could be shot, if they disobeyed orders. Therefore, to avoid being mustered into the army, they decided to flee."[11] In Germany, whose government vociferously poses as the avant-garde in the struggle for human rights, this motivation is insufficient to obtain the right of residence.
Further background information to Germany's Syria policy can be found here: Repression - The Common Denominator (I) and War Threats against Syria.
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