Power Policy Priorities (II)
2013/03/18
In Ethiopia
Yesterday, German President Joachim Gauck left for a visit of several days to Ethiopia. For yesterday evening, talks were scheduled with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, today, a meeting with President Girma Wolde-Giorgis is on the agenda. Subsequent meetings with the African Union, whose headquarters are located in Addis Ababa, as well as talks with representatives of non-governmental organizations and religious communities are also on his schedule. Gauck will spend several days in Ethiopia. He is expected back in Berlin on Wednesday evening.
The Inner Ruling Circle
The timing of this visit is not of insignificance. Long-term Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who had been the main architect of Ethiopian government policy, died last summer. Hailemariam Desalegn was able to come to power, in the subsequent restructuring of the power apparatus in Addis Ababa. Back in the fall of 2012, Berlin insisted on receiving more precise information on the development of the choice of Mele's successor. In October, Sebhat Nega, a member of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the predominating party in Addis, came to Berlin for talks. Sebhat is a member of the inner ruling circle in Addis. He is accused of complicity in human rights violations, for example, he is said to have been one of those responsible for repressive measures, that smashed the opposition, in the aftermath of the 2005 elections.[1] Therefore, Ethiopian human rights activists and members of the opposition protested, when Sebhat addressed the German parliament last October. Officially, he holds the position of Chair of the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development (EIIPD), designated by the SPD-affiliated Friedrich Ebert Foundation as one of its cooperation partners in Addis Ababa. Gauck's current consultations are a continuation of the Berlin talks on the restructuring of the Ethiopian regime.
Leading Power at the Horn of Africa
Developments in Addis Ababa are of great importance to Berlin, because Ethiopia, due to its geostrategic situation, is among Germany's most important allies in Africa. Ethiopia can be considered a leading power in the far east of Africa. It has the largest population and the strongest military. For years, the Ethiopian military has been repeatedly intervening in Somalia, where it is seeking to put pro-western forces into power. Under Meles, Addis had also sent troops into Sudan, to help impose western concepts of order. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[2]) Not least of all, in Europe and the USA, this majority Christian country is seen as a bulwark against Islamist forces. From the western perspective, this country is of such great significance, because it would be disastrous, if anti-western Islamists could wrest control over the Horn of Africa and thereby, over the maritime routes between Europe and the Middle East and eastern Asia. This is why, for years, the German government has been working so closely with Addis Ababa, which includes extensive finances in development aid, as well as Bundeswehr support for the Ethiopian armed forces.[3]
No Fig Leaf
Following Meles' death last summer, human rights organizations briefly nourished hopes that, the restructuring of the power in Addis could bring improvements in the human rights situation and relief for the opposition. However, these hopes were dashed rather soon. Therefore, last November, the German Green Party-affiliated Heinrich Böll Foundation announced it was closing its Addis branch office. They did not want to serve as a fig leaf for the regime and its repression. Currently the Ethiopian Human Rights Committee points out that Ethiopia, the country "with the highest number of journalists, who have fled," is not losing its media representatives for no reason. Many journalists are currently in Ethiopian jails. At the beginning of the year, Human Rights Watch drew attention to the case of incarcerated journalist Eskinder Nega. Eskinder had been arrested in the aftermath of the 2005 elections and the ensuing repression of mass protests. He was released two years later, placed under constant surveillance and forbidden to publish. He was again arrested in 2011, and sentenced – under Ethiopia's anti-terrorism laws – to 18 years, a sentence, human rights organizations find simply absurd.[4]
Spying On
According to the most recent reports, German technology is also instrumental in the repression of the opposition. It is reported that security experts in an analysis for the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab discovered a Trojan by the name "FinSpy," which had been introduced into Ethiopia. It had been developed by the German company, Gamma International. A mouse click on a photo activates this Trojan, which then makes a protocol of all activities of the computer's user. Skype communications can be recorded, microphones, transformed into listening devices. The transcript is then sent to an the Ethiopian state telecommunications provider. The decoy photos, used to activate the virus depict "Ginbot 7" opposition activists. "This is an indication that the infection is a politically motivated targeting," says a security expert.[5] Members of the opposition in Bahrain have also been spied on in this way – thanks also to German technology.[6]
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Inter-Ministerial Guidelines
2013/03/19
Networked Security
Recently, the German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Dirk Niebel (FDP) presented his ministry's new "Strategy Paper," entitled "Development for Peace and Security," explicitly pledging a close cooperation with the Bundeswehr in the framework of military combat operations. This tight integration of development, foreign and military policies, as called for by the "networked security" doctrine, is being justified by the assumption that civil wars and economic crises in "fragile nations," pose a "risk" to "global security." It is indicative that in its paper, the BMZ classifies more than half of its "partner countries" as "fragile," as potential "hubs for international drugs and arms trading, as well as for terrorism."[1]
Civilian-Military
The BMZ also considers the implementation of "civilian-military points of contacts" to be particularly "relevant" for the reorientation of German development policy. According to the strategy paper, the "joint maneuvers" in "civilian and military interaction in fragile nations," carried out by military and development personnel at the German Armed Forces Staff College are "good examples." Among the themes especially handled were crises of food and finances, the "consequences of climate change," "migration," as well as the "administration of natural resources." The "strategy paper" also names alleged successes of this propagated "civilian-military cooperation," e.g. the establishment of a "multi-dimensional African peace force" and "rebuilding Afghanistan."[2]
Fragile Nations
According to the BMZ, this new strategy paper is based on the "Inter-Ministerial Guidelines" for a "coherent policy" vis à vis "fragile nations," elaborated jointly by the BMZ, the Foreign, and Defense Ministries.[3] The BMZ describes the "fragile nations" as "the greatest challenge to global security." "They represent trans-border destabilization potentials; serve as hubs for illegal trading in weapons, drugs, human beings and cultural goods; serve as safe areas for terrorist networks and threaten legal commercial traffic." Like the BMZ's strategy paper, the "guidelines" allege an "inseparable coherence between security and development," making a commitment to a "networked approach," interlinking development, foreign and military policies in the interest of "international crisis management."[4]
Task Forces
To confront "crisis-ridden developments" throughout the world, the "guidelines" recommend establishing "task forces" from among the BMZ, the Foreign and Defense Ministries' staffs "specialized in specific countries or regions." Their task will be to produce – with "input from think tanks and other external expertise sources" – "situational forecasts and power structure analyses" of crisis regions in question, and eventually be able to indicate local "cooperation partners." The "guidelines" explicitly invoke the German government's enacted "White Paper on German Security Policy and the Future of the Bundeswehr, 2006," which defines the military as the "instrument" for the implementation of "German interests" throughout the world. Consequently, the "guidelines" signify also a "robust profile" of "international engagements using military and/or police components" as the basis for "success in stabilization and development."[5]
Closely Interlinked
The Bundestag's Economic Cooperation and Development Committee recently discussed the stage of development of the cooperation between the BMZ, the Defense Ministry and repressive forces. The German Association for International Cooperation (GIZ), which functions under BMZ authority, provided the committee members a paper, briefing them on its cooperation with "state and private security services." The paper was introduced by a statement of the Minister of Development, Dirk Niebel, a reserve officer of the Bundeswehr, who explained that "complex conflict situations, such as those in the Democratic Republic of the Congo or in Afghanistan, could not be solved by applying development, diplomatic or military policy alone. This is why we are closely interlinking and overcoming misgivings separating our fields of policies."[6]
Reciprocal Schooling
Any "misgivings" between the GIZ and the German repressive forces should have long since been overcome. The development agency maintains intense academic and personnel exchanges with the Federal College for Security Studies (BAKS) and the German Armed Forces Staff College, and has become a partner in an official "cooperation agreement" with the Ministry of Defense. The latter provides for supporting the military with development policy know-how, for example, by making GIZ "analyses of theatres of mission" available through "schooling soldiers." On the other hand, the Bundeswehr generously places its infrastructures at the GIZ's disposal. GIZ employees are provided "preparation training" and access to "mission installations," social services facilities, shopping possibilities, the field post office, transportation capacities, and emergency medical service. In cooperation with the Federal Office of Criminal Investigation, the GIZ is planning this year, to stage an event for "Global Players," meaning "major German enterprises with strong interests in international hot spots around the world."[7]
Support for the Arms Industry
The GIZ is also significantly participating in "development projects" relating to military and police. Whereas, it had been responsible for setting up the local police infrastructure in Afghanistan, in Saudi Arabia, it is supervising the German Federal Police, who train border guards. This latter project is part of a contract between the German government and that Gulf monarchy, for the delivery of EADS Corp. "border security systems," valued at 1.1 billon Euros. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[8]) The GIZ has a total of 33 million Euros at its disposal for the logistical and administrative "support services" involved in this project.
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