Turning on their own

Friday, May 22, 2009

Turning on their own

How absolutely predictable this is. Even though her claim is essentially confirmed by a report that the paper itself has published – citing Sir Alistair Graham, chairman of the committee on standards in public life from 2004 to 2007 - The Daily Telegraph has been quick to round on Nadine Dorries for her attempt to put the MPs' "expenses" crisis in focus.

In so doing, the paper cites David Cameron, who says MPs should be more concerned about what their constituents were thinking. "Frankly, MPs ought to be concerned about what their constituents think and ought to be worrying about the people who put us where we are," he told the BBC. The Telegraphadds that there was "clear anger" among the Tory high command at the latest intervention by the outspoken Mid Bedfordshire MP, with one senior source describing her comments as "completely wacky". 

The motive for The Daily Telegraph moving so quickly to "kill" Dorries's assertions is, of course, as transparent as it is dishonest. The MP "exposé" has been a huge commercial success and a more measured view of the issue would threaten to cut short the paper's own gravy train, which still has plenty of mileage in it before the inevitable backlash.

As for Cameron, as again The Telegraph identifies in today's edition, the crisis has given him a heaven-sent opportunity to clear out the so-called "bed-blockers", older MPs whose political careers were essentially over but who refused to stand down, and move in his own people.

Thus we find Sir Peter Viggers, Douglas Hogg and Anthony Steen given their marching orders, while friends of Cameron, including Andrew Mackay, his parliamentary aide, and shadow ministers such as Alan Duncan, Michael Gove and Francis Maude are hanging on. Even The Telegraph sees this as Cameron "using the scandal to further his own political ends" and warns of a voter backlash against such a "blatant move".

This opportunity is in addition to the general debilitating effect the crisis is having on Parliament, weakening MPs and thus reducing any obstacles Cameron might face from his own back-benchers when he finally assumes the title of prime minister. Traditionally, Tory back-benchers have been a powerful constraint on the wilder excess of their leaders (sometimes) and it is the very group from whom most opposition might be expected that is taking the biggest hit.

Then – in the Tory front benches and generally – there is a vested interest in keeping the story focused on "expenses". Although the story is damaging enough, it impacts more on Labour than it does the Tories, giving another tactical advantage to the opposition. On the other hand, positioning the story as a "salary scam" would widen the fallout and spread it more evenly, especially when the story of MPs awarding themselves tax exemptionbecomes more widely known – as indeed it will.

By this evening, the Dorries story had largely been contained, with the ITN news bulletin showing the lady complaining of MPs on "suicide watch" and not mentioning the substantive issue. Thus is she "downgraded" into an empty "human interest" story, for which role she is admirably suited.

Thus, once again, we see the political classes and the media with a commonality of interest, acting in concert to protect their own interests, so maintaining the conspiracy of silence. And so effective is the strategy that the claque rounds on its own favourite and roars with approval at the continuing witch-hunt.

COMMENT THREAD

A contrast of intellects

Painful though it might be, one must again applaud young Daniel Hannan for today's contribution on his clog. This is another intelligent journalist (no one ever said he wasn't bright), who is halfway towards getting the message.

Writing his own version of a manifesto for a new Speaker, Hannan has him declare:

My first act will be to convoke a Speaker's Conference on how to reassert the independence and integrity of the House of Commons. That conference will explore ways to restore the sovereignty of Parliament, by taking powers back from ministers, from quangos and from courts, domestic and foreign.

We also get from this inspired approach a further declaration, which is both perceptive and accurate:

The terrible truth is that it has become almost impossible to have an honourable career simply as a parliamentarian. As long as every backbencher aspires to become a frontbencher, this House will fail in its primary role: to act as a check on the Government.

This does Hannan's putative speaker conclude, "We shall not regain our moral authority until we first assert our political authority." He, whether in the persona of a Speaker, or as Hannan, is so completely right. This is indeed the same message which Camilla Cavendish is attempting to convey, without the precision or lucidity.

Whether such a man can be found is moot, but the idea of a Speaker leading a Commons rebellion against the executive is extremely attractive, if remote. However, since such this is not likely to happen through the "usual channels", it is as good an idea as any. One thing though, none of the so-far declared or interested candidates in any way match up to this message.

Without actually saying as much, though, Hannan is actually arguing forseparation of powers, the achievement of which would take a Herculean effort, not least because it would require major primary legislation and a complete reform of the electoral system.

Furthermore, Hannan's input points up the huge gulf there is between his "radical" thinking and the received wisdom, articulated in part by his colleague Philip Johnston in the Daily Telegraph op-ed.

Argues Johnston, "The expenses crisis must not be used as an excuse to smash our system to pieces," whence the man rails against the "modernisers" who will seize this chance to push for inter alia a written constitution. "The basic structure of the system is a good one and it works," he writes, then suggesting that, "What we need now is some fine-tuning."

Oddly enough, Johnston mentions the data 1689, without mentioning The Glorious Revolution when Parliament overthrew King James II of England and assumed his powers, building the foundations of our current parliamentary democracy.

But that was the last time we had true separation of powers and, while the UK has muddled through with that less than perfect system, as executive has become bigger, more powerful and more intrusive, the counterbalancing power of parliament has been eroded, to the point now where we have reached a crisis.

Thus failing to take the obvious lesson from the history he, himself cites, Johnston then goes on to offer a series of fatuous suggestions for improvement which exemplify the incoherent "tinkering at the margins" approach. So do we get this gem:

Make all laws promulgated in Europe subject to proper scrutiny on the floor of the House of Commons and not shuffled off to a committee that hardly anyone knows exists and whose reports are hardly ever read. The impact on the sovereignty of the UK Parliament as a result of membership of the EU is at the root of many of our current problems.

The intellectual inconsistency between the first and second sentences is staggering. If Johnston thinks that, "The impact on the sovereignty of the UK Parliament as a result of membership of the EU is at the root of many of our current problems," how does he believe that "proper scrutiny" of EU laws will make any difference, when Parliament is powerless to change them?

Equally fatuous, therefore, is Johnston's suggestion that there should be a cap on the number of Bills per session, to perhaps a dozen major pieces of legislation at most. This is at a time when the domestic legislative programme has never been so thin, while the bulk of legislation affecting us all continues to pour out of Brussels. The wish is in the process of coming true, but it is not parliament that is capping the number of Bills, it is Brussels.

Adopting some, or all, of these ideas will not solve everything, concludes Johnston. Again he is wrong. They will solve nothing. Bring on Hannan's Speaker.

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