Monday, 1 June 2009

Yet another example of nobody paying any attention to essentials.  
The EU abdicated its role, and the German government went on its own 
way and 'devil-take-the-hindmost'.

Politicians here point to the Single Market as being the great 
achievement  but since the inclusion of services was frustrated 
( when these are of primary interest to Britain) any breakdown of the 
rest will make the benefits seem ever more illusory.

But nobody will vote about this on Thursday because nobody is talking 
about it.  The population - including the 7 million people engaged in 
theft by stealing music through free downloads - will enjoy kicking 
the political class in general with their hypocritical boots - the 
ones that leak!.
xxxxxxxxxx cs
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FINANCIAL TIMES 1.6.09
Time to safeguard Europe's single market
by Wolfgang Munchau

What is the single biggest danger to the long-term cohesion of the  
European Union? The failure of the Lisbon treaty? Another foreign  
policy disaster? Or a low voter turnout at this week's election to  
the European parliament? I think not. The biggest danger would be the  
erosion of the single European market. And it may be happening.

The single market is enshrined in European law. It would take a 
change in the European treaties to reverse it - and this is obviously 
not going to happen. The single market will therefore not collapse, 
or be replaced by something else. The real danger is that it may 
wither, quietly.

When the banks were in trouble last September, governments 
nationalised policy. Most EU countries drew up their own bank rescue 
packages with little regard for European competition law. Charles 
Goodhart, professor of economics at the London School of Economics, 
noted that "banks are international in life, but national in death". 
Unfortunately, this now applies to other industries too.

The way the German government has been negotiating the rescue of 
Opel, the European subsidiary of General Motors , is another example. 
Opel - or Vauxhall in the UK - has been a truly European carmaker, 
with plants in several European countries. But when GM got into 
trouble, the EU was nowhere to be seen. It should have declared any 
rescue of Opel illegal, a flagrant breach of state aid law, 
especially at a time when the industry suffers from overcapacity.

The German government exploited the policy vacuum, negotiating a deal 
with one of the bidders to secure all four German Opel manufacturing 
plants and to minimise the loss of domestic jobs. You cannot blame a 
national government for wanting to link national money to national 
jobs. But such decisions have negative externalities in a single 
market. By seeking guarantees on German jobs and plants, the 
government in effect forces the closure of foreign Opel manufacturing 
plants, in Belgium for example. It is no surprise, therefore, that 
Herman van Rompuy, the Belgian prime minister, accuses Germany of 
destroying the single market and breaching European law.

I have no idea whether he is right about European law, but he is 
certainly right about the single market. After the moves to retrench 
back to national markets by the banks, we are witnessing a similar 
trend among carmakers. The single market is still there, on paper, 
but it is being undermined in reality.

Why does it matter? The reason is that the single market is far from 
complete, and thus not nearly as robust as it should be. It works 
better on the wholesale than the retail side. While there are some 
cross-border supermarket chains, their offerings change completely 
once you cross national borders. Last year, as a resident of Belgium, 
I tried to make an online purchase of a computer in Germany - where 
some IT equipment costs about 50 per cent less - but my efforts were 
eventually frustrated. Half the German online retailers do not accept 
any international means of payment, such as credit cards; the other 
half does not deliver abroad. The single market is perhaps most 
visible to ordinary people in the airline industry, where cheap 
tickets have transformed holiday travel in Europe. Europe's single 
market is a work in progress. It comes with a legal and institutional 
process to extend and deepen it.

The failure to extend the single market to services - beyond a hugely 
disappointing directive - should have served as a warning sign of the 
changing political climate. After applying the brakes, governments 
have gone into reverse gear. They have undermined the single market 
bidding rules for public procurement contracts. They have undermined 
the single market for financial services, and now they are 
undermining the single market for cars. This will not be the end of 
the process.

European law provides some safeguards, but the single market's 
success depends a great deal on goodwill from member states. If 
governments are determined to undermine the single market, while 
technically remaining within some more or less plausible 
interpretation of the law, they will eventually succeed. The 
consequences would be that the single market would turn into an empty 
shell. For example, if Germany in effect closes down an Antwerp car 
plant, it would take the Belgians only days to come up with a clever 
scheme to discriminate against the sale of German-made cars, or some 
other products.

Why is the fate of the single market so important for the cohesion of 
the EU? Because of its dynamic effects on other areas of European 
integration. Take the euro, for example. The European currency has 
proved to be very robust, even in times of crisis. But who would want 
to place any bets on the euro's long-term survival in the absence of 
an effective single market? The single market was one of the 
rationales for creating a single currency in the first place. Without 
it, one could easily conceive of situations in which eurozone member 
countries had a rational reason to quit.

ne would have thought that such fundamental issues would be an 
important subject of debate ahead of this week's European elections. 
But no such luck. Neither of the two large party blocks, the centre-
right and the left, dare challenge the re-nationalisation strategy. 
Whatever the outcome of the elections, expect no change - both in 
policy and leadership. And "no change" means that it will continue to 
get worse.